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达尔富尔危机的原因及解决途径

发布时间:2018-05-11 00:28

  本文选题:集体暴力 + 达尔富尔 ; 参考:《外交学院》2009年博士论文


【摘要】: 2003年,苏丹西部的达尔富尔地区爆发了严重的暴力冲突,其后不断升级。自独立以来,苏丹就陷入了持久的内战之中,宗教差异也一直是外界阐释苏丹内战原因的重要层面,但以相同的视角来分析达尔富尔危机却是行不通的,因为在这里,不论是非洲黑人还是阿拉伯人都是伊斯兰教的信奉者。 关于暴力和大规模暴力爆发的原因,许多学者给了我们不同的阐释,查尔斯·蒂利为我们提供了新的研究视角。在《集体暴力的政治》这本书里,作者通过社会的互动,阐释了集体暴力爆发的过程。在一个社会的群体中,每个人都会有多重的身份,同一个人在不同的场所中,会是工人、某个政党的党员或是某种宗教的教徒。在这些多重的身份中,政治大亨们通常会激发两种对立的身份,来界定“我们和他们”的差别,这就是一个“边界激活”的过程,也是暴力爆发的过程。用这一理论框架为起点阐释达尔富尔危机爆发的原因和过程,会为我们提供研究问题的新视角。 苏丹在独立后的50多年时间里,有40年冲突不断。接连的军、民政府被无情的卷入了大规模的流血和不断升级的暴力之中。可以说,在达尔富尔暴力冲突集中爆发之前,在苏丹的国家层面上就已经出现了诸多的矛盾:达尔富尔和尼罗河流域之间的并立发展的历史;中央与边缘的对立;南北战争所带来的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人之间的仇恨。再加上苏丹独立后,整个政权的频繁更替和不稳定,这些都对整个苏丹的社会凝聚力带来了极大的损害,为达尔富尔暴力冲突的爆发埋下了伏笔。 从达尔富尔地区层面上来看,也有导致矛盾发生和升级的诸多因素。一是乌玛党的影响。上世纪60年代末,乌玛党陷入分裂,党派的领导人萨迪克和安萨教派的伊玛目哈迪为了自身的利益,将种族政治的概念灌输到达尔富尔地区,使阿拉伯人和非洲黑人的身份政治化。二是乍得内战的波及。乍得内战演变成乍得、利比亚和苏丹的地区纷争,而处在交界处的达尔富尔成为另一个主战场,各方人物粉墨登场,达尔富尔的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人的身份在更广泛的意义上再次清晰。三是环境的退化所带来的资源、牧草的争夺。干旱恶化了达尔富尔原本脆弱的生态环境,人口的膨胀、资源的减少导致了不同生活方式的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人资源上的争夺,清晰着已经开始日益出现的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人之间的界限。四是种族观念的引入和政策的失误。最终,导致了达尔富尔种族的矛盾急剧升温,大规模的暴力变得不可避免。 危机爆发后,包括联合国、非盟在内的国际社会为了实现危机的化解,作出了巨大努力,达尔富尔冲突进入和谈的阶段,但和平的进程异常艰难。和苏丹有着密切石油领域合作的中国,为了冲突的解决发挥了建设性作用,但是却遭受西方媒体、政界的指责。达尔富尔危机的爆发带给中国外交前所未有的挑战,同时也为我国外交的调整提供了契机。 达尔富尔的暴力冲突,是多种因素综合作用的结果,不是单纯意义上的文明冲突或种族冲突,而是苏丹整个社会矛盾和地区矛盾发展到一定阶段的产物。实现冲突的化解需要各方的努力,“双轨战略”是目前国际社会认可的办法。只有发挥联非部队的职能,才能实现达尔富尔的稳定,从而进行战后的重建。而这些没有苏丹政府的有效配合就无从谈起,苏丹政府也就是以巴希尔总统为首的政府,对此,国际社会也应该有充足的认识。
[Abstract]:In 2003, serious violence broke out in the Darfur region of Western Sultan. Since independence, Sultan has fallen into a lasting civil war, and religious differences have been an important aspect of the external interpretation of the causes of the civil war in Sultan, but it is impossible to analyze the Darfur crisis in the same perspective, because it is here. Both Africans and Arabs are believers in Islam.
On the causes of violence and mass violence, many scholars have given us different interpretations. Charles Tilly provides us with a new perspective. In the book of collective violence, the author interprets the process of the outbreak of collective violence through social interaction. In a social group, everyone has multiple. Identity, in different places, will be workers, Party members or religious believers. In these multiple identities, political tycoons often inspire two opposing identities to define the difference between "we and them", which is a process of "boundary activation" and a process of violent eruption. This theoretical framework explains the cause and process of the crisis in Darfur, and will provide us with a new perspective for research.
In the 50 years after independence, there were 40 years of conflict. The army and the civil government were ruthlessly involved in massive bloodshed and escalating violence. It can be said that before the outbreak of violence in Darfur, there were many contradictions at the national level in Sultan: Darfur and the Nile River Basin. The history of the parallel development between the central and the marginal; the hatred between the Arabs and the black Africans brought about by the civil war, and the frequent replacement and instability of the whole regime after the independence of Sultan all brought great damage to the social cohesion of the whole of Sultan and buried the violent conflict in Darfur. A brush with a brush.
From the Darfur region level, there are also many factors that lead to contradictions and escalation. One is the influence of the Uma party. In the late 60s of the last century, the Uma party was divided into split, party leader Sadiq and the ansa sectarian Imam Hardy instilled the concept of racial politics into Darfur to make Ara. Two is the politicization of the identity of the people and black Africans. The civil war of Chad has evolved into Chad, the civil war in Chad, the regional disputes in Libya and Sultan, and the Darfur at the juncture of the other main battleground, the characters of all parties are on the field, and the identity of Darfur Arabs and African Africans is again in a broader sense. Three is the resources of the degradation of the environment, the contention of herbage. The drought has worsened the original fragile ecological environment in Darfur, the expansion of the population, the decrease of resources, the struggle for the Arabs and the African black resources of different ways of life, and the boundary between the Arabs and the African African people that had begun to begin. Four, the introduction of racial ideas and policy mistakes. In the end, the conflict between ethnic groups in Darfur was rapidly increased, and large-scale violence became inevitable.
After the outbreak of the crisis, the international community, including the United Nations and the African Union, made great efforts to achieve the crisis. The Darfur conflict entered the stage of peace talks, but the process of peace was very difficult. China, with the close cooperation in the oil field in Sultan, played a constructive role for the settlement of the conflict, but was subjected to Western media. The outbreak of the Darfur crisis brought unprecedented challenges to China's diplomacy and provided an opportunity for China's diplomatic adjustment.
The violent conflict in Darfur is the result of a comprehensive role of a variety of factors, not a purely cultural conflict or racial conflict, but a product of the development of the whole social and regional contradictions in Sultan to a certain stage. The resolution of the conflict needs the efforts of all parties. The "dual track strategy" is the only way to be recognized by the international community. In order to achieve the stability of the United States and non forces, the stability of Darfur will be achieved and the post-war reconstruction will be carried out. Without the effective cooperation of the Sultan government, the government of the Sultan is the government led by President Bashir, and the international community should also have sufficient understanding.

【学位授予单位】:外交学院
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2009
【分类号】:D741.2

【引证文献】

相关博士学位论文 前1条

1 顾坚;中阿关系中的双边认知(1949-2009)[D];上海外国语大学;2012年

相关硕士学位论文 前2条

1 彭远;达尔富尔问题的由来与发展[D];华东师范大学;2012年

2 周军;苏丹独立以来达尔富尔土地问题演变及其当代影响[D];浙江师范大学;2012年



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