当前位置:主页 > 社科论文 > 外交论文 >

美国国内政治因素对中美经贸关系的影响

发布时间:2018-06-05 19:14

  本文选题:中美关系 + 经贸关系 ; 参考:《中共中央党校》2012年硕士论文


【摘要】:2008年始于华尔街的次贷危机席卷全球,中国在这次应对危机的过程中彰显出经济的巨大潜力,,美国既想借重中国的“东风”,又不乐见中国发展强盛。因此本文的写作是基于这样的事实:在这种微妙的中美关系中,经贸一直作为稳定中美关系的重要砝码,但是美国白宫、国会参众两院、利益集团在其中扮演不同的角色。他们的看法、意见和要求极大地影响着美国政府对华经济政策的走向。三十年的风雨历程表明,美国基本上处于“攻势”,中方基本上处于“守势”。 本文分为五部分,第一章归纳总结中美经贸关系的总体情况,在经济全球化的背景下尝试分析当经济上的关系渐趋平等时,如何从中美关系的战略定位中发掘经贸关系的动向,通过对图表直观、清晰的分析把握中美经贸的走向和变化。 第二章分析白宫在中美经贸关系中的立场变化,总统往往能够前瞻性地、理性地看待经贸关系,但是白宫领导下的行政部门受到利益集团的影响只从该部门所代表的利益出发,以达到在总统的直接领导下影响总统的决定之目的,促进或是阻碍双边关系,给双边贸易的发展制造各种问题,本章列举了具体案例来展现各部门在经济利益与国家安全利益方面的对决。 第三章主要从国会入手,国会自诩“代表美国人民利益”,在冷战结束后越来越多的卷入对华经济政策中,本章从影响参众两院议员选举的角色定位和竞选筹资、国会内部的政党政治两个角度分析议员在对华经济政策上的立场。 第四章对利益集团进行分类研究,经贸类、劳工类、意识形态类、政治保守派等是如何影响对华经贸决策的。利益集团利用PAC对国会和白宫进行游说,以达到其所要达到的目的,“旋转门”现象的存在为其成功游说奠定了基础,列举证明在中国PNTR法案案例中,各利益集团是如何游说国会和白宫。 结束语在总结全文的基础上,试图找出一些白宫、国会、利益集团与中美经贸关系之间的规律,并对中美关系的未来发展予以展望,力图从中得出结论,促使中美经贸关系更好的向前发展,符合中美两国人民的根本利益。
[Abstract]:China's response to the subprime mortgage crisis that began on Wall Street in 2008 has highlighted the huge potential of its economy, with the United States trying to capitalize on China's "east wind" and not to see China strong. Therefore, the writing of this paper is based on the fact that in this delicate Sino-US relationship, economy and trade have always played an important role in stabilizing Sino-US relations, but the White House, the Senate and House of Representatives, and interest groups play different roles. Their views, opinions and demands greatly affect the direction of the US government's economic policy toward China. Three decades of wind and rain show that the United States is basically on the offensive and the Chinese are basically on the defensive. This paper is divided into five parts. The first chapter summarizes the overall situation of Sino-US economic and trade relations, tries to analyze how to explore the trend of economic and trade relations in the strategic positioning of Sino-US relations when economic relations are gradually becoming equal under the background of economic globalization. Through intuitive and clear analysis of the chart, grasp the trend and changes of Sino-American economy and trade. The second chapter analyzes the changes in the White House's position in Sino-US economic and trade relations. The President is often able to look forward and rationally on economic and trade relations, but the administration under the leadership of the White House is influenced by interest groups only from the interests represented by the department. In order to achieve the purpose of influencing the decisions of the President under the direct leadership of the President, to promote or obstruct bilateral relations and to create problems for the development of bilateral trade, This chapter enumerates the concrete cases to show each department in the economic interest and the national security interest aspect confrontation. The third chapter mainly starts with the Congress, which claims to "represent the interests of the American people." since the end of the Cold War, more and more people have been involved in economic policies towards China. This chapter focuses on the role orientation and campaign financing that affect the election of members of the Senate and House of Representatives. Party politics inside Congress analyzes the position of congressmen on economic policy toward China. The fourth chapter makes a classification of interest groups, including economic and trade, labor, ideology, political conservatives and so on how to influence economic and trade decisions with China. Interest groups use PAC to lobby Congress and the White House to achieve what they want to achieve. The existence of the "revolving door" phenomenon has laid the foundation for their successful lobbying, citing evidence in the case of China's PNTR Act. How interest groups lobby Congress and the White House. On the basis of summing up the full text, the concluding remarks attempt to find out some laws between the White House, Congress, interest groups and Sino-US economic and trade relations, and to look forward to the future development of Sino-US relations, and try to draw conclusions from them. It is in the fundamental interests of the people of China and the United States to promote better economic and trade relations between China and the United States.
【学位授予单位】:中共中央党校
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2012
【分类号】:F125.5;D871.2

【参考文献】

相关期刊论文 前10条

1 袁征;利益集团政治与美国对华政策[J];当代亚太;2000年06期

2 周敦仁;美国国内政治和PNTR投票[J];国际观察;2000年04期

3 冼国明,张岸元;美国的出口限制提议与中国半导体工业的发展[J];国际经济合作;2003年06期

4 丁孝文;中美关系中的美国国会因素[J];国际问题研究;2003年05期

5 郑永年;翁翠芬;;世界权力新格局中的中美关系[J];国际关系学院学报;2010年05期

6 DREW THOMPSON;;New Voices on Capitol Hill[J];Beijing Review;2010年46期

7 张锐;;奥巴马的“出口智囊团”[J];决策与信息;2010年09期

8 李中州;从博弈论看中美关系中的跨国公司因素[J];世界经济研究;2002年03期

9 王振中;经济全球化的理论思考[J];经济学动态;2001年05期

10 黄平;;面向未来的中美关系[J];当代世界;2011年02期

相关重要报纸文章 前4条

1 本报记者 李可 高洪艳;[N];中国贸易报;2009年

2 夏言;[N];国际商报;2009年

3 本报记者 胡坤 兰晓萌 张智;[N];华夏时报;2010年

4 本报记者 董力;[N];人民日报;2009年



本文编号:1983120

资料下载
论文发表

本文链接:https://www.wllwen.com/shekelunwen/waijiao/1983120.html


Copyright(c)文论论文网All Rights Reserved | 网站地图 |

版权申明:资料由用户21df3***提供,本站仅收录摘要或目录,作者需要删除请E-mail邮箱bigeng88@qq.com