百缀旗下的暗潮

发布时间：2018-11-07 11:55

【摘要】：护国战争是中国近代史上的重要事件。此次战争不仅结束了袁世凯的政治生涯,还开启了中国近代史上的军阀政治时代。在护国战争期间,护国军和袁世凯的北洋军兵戎相见：战场之外,双方还进行了针锋相对的政治博弈。然而,较之交战双方的你来我往,护国军内部的矛盾冲突更引人关注。梁启超和蔡锷是护国战争的重要发动者。他们当中,一是进步党党魁,一为国家主义者,政治立场较为接近。此外,梁、蔡二人还兼有师生关系。惟其如此,他们的合作顺理成章。可是,纵观梁启超和蔡锷的合作者,并非清一色的国家主义者或是进步党人士：岑春煊、陆荣廷、李烈钧、李根源、黄兴、龙济光等人所属政团、政治立场和政治关切均不相同。民国初年党争十分激烈,各政党常常为了实现自身的政治诉求不顾国家利益展开一系列的明争暗斗。而在护国战争中,这些持不同政见的人士能够站在同一战线上反对袁世凯复辟帝制——无论是出于自愿还是被迫,均值得深思。护国战争前后,来自进步党、国民党、西南地方实力派等政团的人士在讨袁这面大旗下组成了“护国阵营”与袁世凯集团进行军事、政治斗争。在护国阵营的建立过程中,各政治派别对自己的立场有所调整,在一些问题上互相妥协,表现出一种“有弹性的坚定”。梁启超因与袁世凯的政治理念的格格不入终于挂印而去,由原来的“挺袁派”一变而为“倒袁派”。国民党方面,黄兴、李根源等人并没有计较二次革命时进步党的落井下石,而是积极与其合作参与护国战争的准备工作。地方实力派中，唐继尧、陆荣廷、龙济光等人也出于现实因素和维护自身利益的考虑放弃了原来附从袁世凯政府的立场,或主动或被动地参与到护国战争中去。为统合各方势力,两广都司令部和肇庆军务院孕育而生。这两个机构的组织形式、职责范围和所起的作用虽不完全相同,但均通过吸纳不同的政治势力,并试图在这些政治势力问构建一种非正式的、相对平等的协商机制来维护这种脆弱的合作。这种体制下没有绝对权威,从而保证了各方拥有相对平等的话语权。而没有绝对权威也就意味着组织内部缺少必要的约束,使得护国阵营各派间的合作并不牢固。袁世凯死后,段祺瑞作为北京政府的实际领导者对护国军并未采取采取抗拒的态度,他通过各种非正式的手段与护国军方面接洽,以便尽快结束南北对抗的状态。在外界压力缓解的情况下,护国阵营内部各派本就不尽相同的政治诉求开始显现。从暗中的勾心斗角到战场上的兵戎相向,无不体现出不同的政治诉求对脆弱的政治联盟的联盟冲击。在内部的冲击下,护国阵营的体系遭到了破坏,进而自动分崩离析。从军务院存废问题的争论,到军务院的最后撤销,正是护国阵营体系崩解的反映。
[Abstract]:The war of defense was an important event in China's modern history. The war not only ended Yuan Shikai's political career, but also opened the era of warlord politics in China's modern history. During the war of defense, the defending army and Yuan Shikai's Beiyang army fought against each other: in addition to the battlefield, the two sides engaged in a tit-for-tat political game. However, the conflict between the armed forces is more noticeable than the conflict between the two warring parties. Liang Qichao and Cai E were important initiators of the war. Among them, one is the leader of the Progressive Party, the other is a nationalist, the political position is relatively close. In addition, Liang and Cai also have a teacher-student relationship. Only then, their cooperation is logical. However, throughout Liang Qichao and Cai E's collaborators, they are not all nationalists or progressives: Cen Chunxuan, Lu Rongting, Li Lijun, Li root, Huang Xing, long Jiguang and others belong to political groups. Political positions and concerns differ. In the early years of the Republic of China, the political parties often engaged in a series of open and secret struggles in order to realize their own political demands and ignore the national interests. In the War of Patriotic Defence, these dissidents were able to stand on the same front against Yuan Shikai's restoration of the monarchy-voluntary or forced-which was worth pondering. Before and after the war, people from the Progressive Party, the Kuomintang, the Southwest local powerful faction and other political groups formed a "camp of defense" to wage military and political struggle against Yuan Shikai under the banner of Yuan. In the course of the establishment of the Protector camp, the political factions adjusted their positions and compromised each other on some issues, showing a "resilient firmness". Liang Qichao finally went away from the original "Yuan School" and changed to "inverted Yuan School" because of the mismatch between Liang Qichao and Yuan Shikai's political ideas. On the Kuomintang side, Huang Xing, Li Yuan and others did not worry about the fall of the Progressive Party at the time of the second Revolution, but actively cooperated with them to prepare for the war of defending the country. Among the local power schools, Tang Jiyao, Lu Rongting, long Jiguang and others gave up the position attached to Yuan Shikai's government or participated actively or passively in the defense of the country out of realistic factors and considerations of safeguarding their own interests. In order to integrate the various forces, the headquarters and Zhaoqing military headquarters were conceived. The organization, scope and role of these two institutions are not exactly the same, but by absorbing different political forces and trying to build an informal one in these political forces, A relatively equal consultation mechanism to preserve this fragile cooperation. There is no absolute authority in this system, thus ensuring that all parties have a relatively equal right to speak. The absence of absolute authority means that there is a lack of necessary constraints within the organization, making cooperation between the factions of the Protector not strong. After Yuan Shikai's death, Duan Qirui, as the actual leader of the Beijing government, did not take a resistance to the defense army. He approached the defense army through various informal means in order to end the North-South confrontation as soon as possible. With external pressure easing, political demands from different factions within the Protector camp are beginning to emerge. From the secret war to the battlefield, all reflect the alliance impact of different political demands on the fragile political alliance. Under the internal shock, the defending camp's system was destroyed and automatically disintegrated. From the debate about the retention and abolition of military affairs to the final withdrawal of military affairs, it is the collapse of the camp system.
【学位授予单位】：广西师范大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2012
【分类号】：K258

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