清初明遗民封建论研究
[Abstract]:The local administrative system in ancient China can be roughly divided into two basic forms: feudal system and prefectural system. Ying Zheng, the first emperor, settled the six countries and ruled the whole world as a watershed. Before the three dynasties before the Qin Dynasty (that is, Xia, Shang, Zhou), the feudal system was the main form. After the unification of Qin Dynasty, the prefectures and counties were the main system, which fully adapted to the political needs of the totalitarianism and centralism, and made remarkable contributions to the development of China, a multi-national unified empire. But at the same time, the feudal system did not die out completely, but appeared in the rule of the successive dynasties after Qin Dynasty. Whether it was the central dynasty of great unification or the severed dynasty in turbulent times, there were various forms of feudal continuation. As a supplementary form of the county system, it produced and exerted an important influence at that time, and sometimes even appeared the repeated feudal system, which became an important factor that caused the break-up of the turbulent times, and deeply affected the historical changes of China. It is precisely because the feudal system and the county system intertwined in the long history that there has been a debate about feudalism and counties that has continued, either as a political proposition or as an academic argument. Even in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, which was 1800 years from the reign of the Qin Dynasty, the discussion between feudalism and the county system reached another climax with the emergence of a series of major changes in the late Ming Dynasty. This paper begins with the relatively special historical age of the late Ming and the early Qing Dynasty, and selects the representative people of the Ming Dynasty as the starting point to study the feudal arguments of this part of the group in the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty. Through the explanation of his feudal theory and the analysis of its causes, this paper explains the reflection on the rise and fall of his family and country in this period and its profound influence on later generations, and combines with the reality of the present. Show the significance of studying feudalism in contemporary Chinese political development and reform. Most feudalism in history is not divisionism. Its main purpose is not to oppose the unification of the country or to promote the idea of splitting the country with the feudal system. Its starting point and purpose are to safeguard and strengthen autocratic and centralized power. In order to finally achieve national unity, social stability. On the basis of this, the feudal theory of the people of the Ming Dynasty hoped that a series of measures, such as weakening the central power and strengthening the local power, would restrict the supreme imperial power in the traditional society, thus reducing the oppression of the central authorities on the localities and enabling the local society. Economy, culture and other aspects have been fully developed, which is also the main demand of many Jiangnan merchants in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. From the perspective of contemporary national governance and social-political and cultural construction, this appeal is also of great significance for the "promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity" advocated by the Chinese Communist Party at present. So that we can draw wisdom from the reflection of ancient sages and quote the political experience of ancient times as reference. Therefore, from this point of view, the systematic study of the feudal theory of the Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty has an irreplaceable important value, which is worthy of our deep exploration.
【学位授予单位】:曲阜师范大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2016
【分类号】:K249
【相似文献】
相关期刊论文 前10条
1 田勤耘;;清代封建论的阶段性特征[J];史学月刊;2010年11期
2 任再衡;读《封建论》的疑问试解[J];黑龙江大学学报(哲学社会科学版);1974年00期
3 雷履平;《封建论》浅析[J];川师学报;1974年01期
4 叶世忠;刻苦钻研 知难而进——我是怎样读《封建论》的[J];天津师院学报;1974年01期
5 陈欣向;对《读〈封建论〉的疑问试解》的几点意见[J];黑龙江大学学报(哲学社会科学版);1975年02期
6 陈显泗;论西方与东方奴隶制的差异──对“扶南封建论”的续答辩[J];学术界;1995年04期
7 张进军;《封建论》中“是矣”注释质疑[J];湖南师范大学社会科学学报;1997年03期
8 黄敏兰;;中国中古社会形态并非只能有“秦以后封建论”一说——与李根蟠先生商榷[J];探索与争鸣;2006年04期
9 王寒冬;;晋代士人封建论及其成因简述[J];滁州学院学报;2008年02期
10 田勤耘;牟哲勤;;杨慎“封建论”发微[J];湖北社会科学;2013年09期
相关会议论文 前1条
1 黄烈;;评魏晋南北朝的历史特点——代序[A];中国魏晋南北朝史学会第二届学术讨论会论文集[C];1986年
相关重要报纸文章 前3条
1 冯天瑜;清人对“封建”的两种评议[N];光明日报;2006年
2 何秉孟(作者为中国社会科学院副秘书长、研究员);理论创新须先培植学派[N];文汇报;2002年
3 中国社科院副秘书长 何秉孟;保护、扶植、培育学派,促进理论创新[N];社会科学报;2002年
相关硕士学位论文 前2条
1 刘芊;清初明遗民封建论研究[D];曲阜师范大学;2016年
2 李永姣;柳宗元《封建论》研究[D];西北大学;2015年
,本文编号:2308224
本文链接:https://www.wllwen.com/shekelunwen/zhongguolishiwenhua/2308224.html