明中期以降赣闽粤客家聚居区的联宗与族群关系

发布时间：2018-06-15 12:44

本文选题：赣闽粤聚居区 + 客家　；参考：《上海师范大学》2016年博士论文

【摘要】：赣闽粤客家聚居区自明中期出现联宗活动以来,联修表现活跃,其功利目标呈现多样性。从联宗目标表现出来的利害关系来看,明清与民国时期的同姓联宗目标可以大致分为两类,一类是利己不损人的功利目标,如表现于防卫、科举等方面,这有助于同一地域生活的同姓宗族的团结并提高社会地位,通常能获得社会与官方的默许或支持。另一类是利己损人的功利目标,如表现于对生存资源的争夺、诤讼等方面,这会增加社会治理的困难,通常招致社会的批评或官方禁止。从功能性目标引发联宗来看,参加联宗的宗族通常都在同一地域内,并且最终形成地缘性的功能性集团。然而,联宗活动延续至今,赣闽粤客家聚居区的同姓联宗目标的设定趋向于文化、社会地位等功利性不那么强的目标。随着联宗功利性的淡化,联宗范围也呈扩大趋势,以姓氏为符号建立的同姓网络逐渐增多。赣闽粤客家聚居区的联宗具有客家人群性背景,是历史移民形成的,这一人群性背景并且成了对同姓宗族的认同依据。赣南因唐宋移民与明清移民返迁形成了新、老客家。清代表现出新客家同姓宗族联宗,当代出现新、老客家同姓联宗。闽西石壁在客家移民中起着重要的历史作用,并对当代客家族群发生着影响,在当代闽西兴建的客家百氏祠堂,供奉着首批入迁客家聚居区的百氏祖先,吸引着海内外客家族人前来祭祀,形成了独特的同姓个人联宗现象。因客家公祠是由地方政府与族群领袖共同合作完成,在同姓个人认同在联宗的政治过程中具有变动性。粤东客家经过石壁迁入,客家利用了这一历史情境,将移居石壁作为共同建构“客家祖先”身份的依据,也将这种身份的建构作为联宗的目标。上述联宗体现出在客家这一人群性背景下,以族群认同作为对同姓宗族的选择,也是以族群认同形成个人联宗活动。同时联宗也以族群边界作为对同姓宗族的区分。粤东刘氏以族群方言作为区分同姓宗族的依据,排斥了操闽南话的刘氏联修,这是文化差异下的宗族边界。在联宗共祖的情况下进行祭祀安排、世系拟制、辈号设置,是为了在形式上进行的统一完整。联宗的最低限度是共祖,祭祀安排是追认共祖的简约形式,世系拟制、辈号设置都处于可有可无的两可状态,因为世系拟制、辈号设置不是联宗所必备的内容。如果三者齐备,联宗在形式上看起来就更像一个统一的联盟,或更像一个同姓网络。赣闽粤客家聚居区的联宗具有客家族群这一人群性背景,笔者将这种联宗概括为以族群认同的同姓联宗,它以同一地域内的地缘联盟为基础,趋向同姓网络的联宗类型,即是以客家聚居区为基础形成的客家同姓网络。
[Abstract]:Since the emergence of joint zong activities in the Hakka areas in Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong provinces, the joint repair has been active and its utilitarian goals have been diversified. From the perspective of the interests expressed by the joint zong goal, the same family name of the Ming and Qing dynasties and the Republic of China can be roughly divided into two categories. One is the utilitarian goal of not harming others, such as in defence, imperial examination, and so on. This contributes to the unity and social advancement of families of the same surname living in the same region, usually with the tacit approval or support of society and the authorities. The other is the utilitarian goal of profit and harm to others, such as the struggle for survival resources and litigation, which will increase the difficulties of social governance, and usually lead to social criticism or official prohibition. From the point of view of functional objective, the participating clans are usually in the same region and eventually form a geographical functional group. However, the joint zong activities continue up to now, the goal of the same family name in the Hakka areas of Jiangxi and Guangdong provinces tends to be the less utilitarian goals such as culture, social status and so on. With the desalination of utilitarian, the scope of joint zong is also expanding, and the network of the same surname is gradually increasing. The Lianzong in the Hakka area of Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong has a group background of Hakka, which is formed by historical immigrants, and has become the basis for the identification of the same surname clan. Gannan had formed new and old Hakka because of the immigrants from Tang and Song dynasties and emigration from Ming and Qing dynasties. The Qing Dynasty showed the new Hakka clan association, the contemporary appearance of new Hakka, the old Hakka family name joint zong. Shibi played an important historical role in Hakka immigrants and had an impact on the contemporary Hakka clan group. The Hakka Bai ancestral Hall, which was built in the western part of Fujian, was dedicated to the first batch of Hakka ancestors who moved into Hakka settlements. At home and abroad, the Hakka family came to sacrifice, forming a unique phenomenon of the same family name. The Hakka Temple was completed by the local government and the community leaders, and it was changeable in the political process of the United sect with the same family name. The Hakka in eastern Guangdong made use of this historical situation and took Shibi as the basis for establishing the identity of the Hakka ancestors, and the construction of this identity was also the goal of the joint zongzong. Under the background of the Hakka people, the above joint clan reflects the choice of ethnic identity to the same clan, and it also forms the individual association activity with the ethnic identity. At the same time, Lianzong also takes the ethnic boundary as the distinction between the clan of the same surname. In eastern Guangdong, Liu regards ethnic dialects as the basis for distinguishing the clan of the same surname, and excludes Liu Lianxiu, who speaks Minnan dialect, which is the boundary of the clan under the cultural differences. In the case of joint patriarchal ancestors, the arrangement of sacrifice, lineage simulation and generation number is for the purpose of formal unity and integrity. At least the joint ancestor is the common ancestor, and the sacrificial arrangement is the simple form of recognizing the common ancestor. The system of lineage fiction and generation number are all in two dispensable states, because the generation number is not the necessary content of the joint clan. If all three are in place, the syndication looks more like a unified alliance or a network of the same surname. The Lianzong in the Hakka area of Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong has the crowd background of the Hakka group. The author generalizes this kind of association to the same family name with the ethnic identity, which is based on the geographical alliance in the same region and tends to the type of the same family name network. That is to Hakka settlement based on the formation of the Hakka network of the same surname.
【学位授予单位】：上海师范大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2016
【分类号】：K820.9

【参考文献】