日美冲绳问题起源研究（1942-1952）

发布时间：2018-04-21 09:03

本文选题：日美关系 + 冲绳问题　；参考：《南开大学》2010年博士论文

【摘要】：本文主要围绕冲绳问题在日美两国之间起源的历史经纬及缘由展开论述,时间段限跨越二战后期及战后初期(1942-1952年)。针对美国在冲绳问题上的早期构想,日本政府与天皇面对媾和以及早期处理冲绳问题付诸的努力,美国政府内部对日政策的转变,尤其是《对日媾和条约》第三条关于冲绳问题的处理,吉田茂与杜勒斯围绕“潜在主权”所作的交涉等进行全面梳理与详尽论证。同时对日美两国如何以冲绳问题为砝码进行交涉的内幕做了详细考察。冲绳问题在日美之间的起源,与美国安全保障战略调整息息相关,美国军方和国务院围绕冲绳地位问题展开了激烈论争,美国军方基于军事战略上的考量,力争完全控制冲绳,并寻找琉球群岛与日本本土分离的相关证据,旨在确立对冲绳的战略统治权；美国国务院则侧重于政治运营的谋算,主张应将琉球群岛的“潜在主权”保留给日本,同时接受军方在冲绳建设基地的主张。最终美国国务院的观点占据上风,掌控美国政府冲绳问题的决策权,制定了将冲绳主权保留给日本的政策。日本方面在筹备《对日媾和条约》缔结过程中,对琉球群岛的将来地位及主权问题寄予了极大关注,芦田均外相率领的外务省制定了多种方案,但收效甚微。而以天皇为首的宫中集团制定的《天皇备忘录》,对实现日本拥有对冲绳保留“潜在主权”,影响美国国务院的冲绳问题决策发挥了巨大影响力。以吉田茂为首的日本政府通过积极的外交斡旋,坚持要求返还琉球和小笠原群岛,向美国国务院远东局和GHQ外交局争取保留冲绳主权而付诸不懈的努力,并制定了切实可行的折冲方案,为解决冲绳主权归属问题发挥了重要作用。本文认为,美国国务院最终认可日本保留对冲绳的主权,与其说为了“缓和日本人的不满和其他批判”,莫如说是为了谋求美国国家安全利益的最大化,避免丧失冲绳的战略地位而采取的“吊诡之计①”。面对主张将冲绳从日本分离出去的军方、盟总司令麦克阿瑟的固执以及要对日本进行严格媾和的联合国,杜勒斯必须充分吸纳各方面意见,同时,还须提防苏联借助联合国名义,在对联合国宪章的解释上使美国陷入困境。在平衡日美双方及美国国内各方利益的基础上,《对日媾和条约》第三条的出台是多方博弈的产物。
[Abstract]:This paper mainly discusses the origin of Okinawa problem between Japan and the United States in history, latitude and reason, the period of time span over the late World War II and the early postwar period 1942-1952. In view of the early ideas of the United States on the Okinawa issue, the efforts made by the Japanese Government and the emperor to make peace and to deal with the Okinawa issue in the early period, the change in the internal policy of the United States towards Japan, In particular, the handling of Okinawa in Article 3 of the Treaty of Peace to Japan, and the negotiations made by Yoshida and Dulles around "potential sovereignty", were comprehensively sorted out and demonstrated in detail. At the same time, Japan and the United States made a detailed investigation on how to negotiate with Okinawa issue. The origin of the Okinawa issue between Japan and the United States is closely related to the adjustment of the security strategy of the United States. The US military and the State Department have launched a fierce debate over the status of Okinawa. Based on military strategic considerations, the US military is striving to completely control Okinawa. In order to establish strategic dominion over Okinawa, the State Department of the United States focused on the calculation of political operation and advocated that the "potential sovereignty" of the Ryukyu Islands should be reserved for Japan. At the same time accept the military in Okinawa construction base proposal. In the end, the State Department's views prevailed, controlling the U.S. government's decision-making power over Okinawa and establishing a policy of reserving Okinawa sovereignty to Japan. In the process of preparing for the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, Japan paid great attention to the future status and sovereignty of the Ryukyu Islands, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs led by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lutian made a variety of plans, but with little success. The Emperor's Memorandum made by Emperor Miyazhong Group exerts great influence on the realization of Japan's "potential sovereignty" over Okinawa and affects the US State Department's decision on Okinawa. The Japanese government, headed by Shigeru Yoshida, through active diplomatic mediation, insisted on the return of Ryukyu and Ogasawara Islands, and made unremitting efforts to strive for the retention of sovereignty over Okinawa from the far East Bureau of the US State Department and the GHQ diplomatic Bureau. A feasible folding scheme is made, which plays an important role in solving the problem of sovereignty over Okinawa. This article holds that the State Department of the United States has finally approved Japan's retention of sovereignty over Okinawa, not so much to "ease the dissatisfaction and other criticisms of the Japanese," but to maximize the national security interests of the United States. Avoid losing the strategic position of Okinawa to take the "paradox 1". In the face of the military, which advocates separating Okinawa from Japan, the stubbornness of the Commander-in-Chief of the League, MacArthur, and the United Nations, which wants to make strict peace with Japan, Dulles must fully absorb the views of all sides. At the same time, It is also important to guard against the Soviet Union's use of the United Nations to interpret the Charter of the United Nations. On the basis of balancing the interests of Japan and the United States and all parties in the United States, the introduction of Article 3 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan is the product of a multi-party game.
【学位授予单位】：南开大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2010
【分类号】：D822.3

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