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中国气候外交的话语权问题研究

发布时间:2018-08-03 15:51
【摘要】:气候变化问题的严峻性及整体辐射性在全球气候治理中划分了两大阵营,正义与非正义,并不存在中间立场。中国作为能源性温室气体的最大排放国,尽管采取了诸多举措,却仍遭到部分国际社会成员的非难,明明极具参与气候治理的合法性基础,却常常背负非正义的恶名。本文认为这样的状况主要是由于中国在国际气候治理中话语偏弱造成地。(这种偏弱是具有相对性的,是与那些在全球治理中地位角色相似的国家主体相比的偏弱。)话语的弱势是国内信息向外传输的一大障碍,并直接导致了两大困境:一是无法很好地将一系列的成就信息和国内的艰难处境传播到国际社会,尤其是西方社会当中去;二是传输到了,却被西方社会选择忽视。但是国际气候治理关乎人类社会福祉,国际气候大会也不应该是某些国家主导的一言堂,中国需要关注自己在国际气候治理中的话语权问题,增加话语分量,在兼顾自身利益的同时,打破现有的国际气候话语结构,为国际气候治理的公平、公正做出自己应有的贡献。因此,基于对困境的原因探寻的必要。本文以后结构主义理论中,话语对身份及外交政策的建构为视角,对中国气候外交话语困境进行原因分析,同时建议性地提出解决路径。 影响一国国际话语权的因素有很多,作为重要分支的气候外交话语权亦是如此。本文主要选取后结构主义理论中,话语对国家身份、外交政策的建构为研究视角,通过对气候外交话语权的探讨,思考中国在未来的国际气候治理中可能具有的地位及影响力。后结构主义认为话语是语言陈述形成的意义结构,具有本体性,建构性与结构性,并且认为世间万物只有通过话语建构才具有社会性意义,国际社会常识亦不例外。经话语建构形成的国际社会常识,对国际行为体产生规范性影响,进而生成了话语性权力。具有权力性意义的话语具有建构一切事物主体性身份的能力,国家身份亦是如此。一国通过外交话语对国家身份进行表征,而外交政策又取决于国家身份话语的表征;外交政策在接受外部信息回馈的同时,以话语的形式巩固或改造国家身份。身份话语与政策话语的相互关系决定二者需要保持一种相应性,即内在的一致性。这种一致性是构成话语结构的先决条件,直接决定了外交话语结构的稳定性。反过来讲,一致性受到破坏,国际话语就会呈现不稳定状态,即会受到来自其他社会成员的质疑和不认同。本文认为,中国气候外交话语之所以处于薄弱状态。主要是因为中国气候外交话语受到西方强势话语的干扰,处于“被定位”状态。这不仅扰乱了中国气候外交身份与政策话语的一致性;而且,从某种程度上来讲,直接导致中国遭受来自国际社会的身份认同危机,其中亦包括发展中国家阵营中的部分贫穷国家和小岛国。此外,长期处于国际气候话语结构的弱势地位;加之单一身份话语所导致的外交政策话语模式的固化,对话语受众缺乏吸引力等原因,都造成了中国气候外交话语相对薄弱的状态。所以本文认为要改变中国在气候治理中的话语现状,要从加强和完善中国气候外交身份话语开始。尤其在诸多西方国家深受金融危机打击,国际气候治理意愿异常低下的当前,中国更需要承担起国际气候治理积极参与者的责任,并向国际气候主要治理者的身份话语过渡,,并依此身份在外交政策中加大对国际气候治理的关注度,从而在更大程度上获取国际社会的认同,获取参与全球气候治理的合法性基础。同时要积极建设中国气候外交的特色身份话语,使中国气候外交身份话语更具多元性,并以此作为拓展外交政策话语的契机。此外,积极融入现有的国际气候主导话语,为中国气候外交身份话语的过渡营造良好国际环境的同时,亦能够夯实中国气候外交话语的合法性基础。同时抵制西方强势话语对我方身份话语的干扰,寻找西方霸权话语在国家身份与政策间的逻辑漏洞,质疑其身份,动摇其话语的可信度,对西方气候霸权话语予以坚决抵制,制止西方集团把国际气候治理作为维护自身战略利益的战场。但对于西方有益于国际气候治理的主导话语要积极融入,展开合作,拓展中国气候外交话语的交流空间。以达到塑造有利于进行国际气候治理的话语环境的目的,为中国气候外交话语打下坚实的道义基础。
[Abstract]:The grim and overall radiance of climate change has been divided into two camps in global climate governance. Justice and injustice do not exist in the middle position. China, as the largest emitter of energy conservatory gas, has been reclaimed by some members of the international community, although many measures have been taken. This is mainly due to the weakness of China's weak discourse in international climate governance. (this weakness is relatively weak compared to those of the national subject similar to the role of global governance.) the weakness of the discourse is the external transmission of the domestic information. A major obstacle to the loss has directly led to two major difficulties: first, it is impossible to spread a series of achievements information and domestic difficulties to the international community, especially in the western society; the two is transmitted to the western society, but is ignored by the western society. But international climate governance is related to the well-being of human society, and the international climate conference also It should not be a statement led by some countries. China needs to pay attention to its discourse power in international climate governance, increase the component of discourse, break the existing international climate discourse structure and make its own contribution to the fairness and justice of International Climate Governance while taking into account its own interests. In the view of the construction of identity and foreign policy, this paper makes an analysis of the reasons for the predicament of China's climate Diplomatic Discourse and suggests a solution to the solution.
There are many factors affecting the international discourse power of a country, as an important branch of the climate for Diplomatic Discourse. This article mainly selects the post structuralist theory, the discourse on the national identity, the construction of foreign policy as the research perspective, through the discussion of the power of climate Diplomatic Discourse, thinking that China may be in the future international climate governance. There are some status and influence. Post structuralism thinks that discourse is a meaning structure formed by language statement, which is noumenon, constructivism and structure, and that all things are socially meaningful only through discourse construction, and international social common sense is no exception. The international social common sense, formed by the construction of discourse, produces the international behavior. The normative influence leads to the utterance power. The discourse of power meaning has the ability to construct the subject identity of all things, the national identity is also the same. A country represents the national identity through the Diplomatic Discourse, and the foreign policy depends on the representation of the national identity discourse; foreign policy receives feedback from the external information. At the same time, it is necessary to consolidate or remould national identity in the form of discourse. The relationship between identity and policy utterance determines that two parties need to maintain a corresponding, namely, internal consistency. This consistency is a prerequisite for the structure of discourse, which directly determines the stability of the diplomatic discourse structure. In turn, consistency is damaged, international The discourse will be unstable, that is, the question and disapproval from other members of the society. This article holds that the Chinese climate diplomacy discourse is weak. It is mainly because the Chinese climate diplomatic discourse is disturbed by the strong Western discourse and is in a "position" state. This is not only disturbing the Chinese climate diplomacy. It is consistent with the policy discourse; and, to some extent, it directly causes China to suffer from the identity crisis from the international community, including some poor countries and small island states in the developing countries. In addition, it has long been in a weak position in the international climate discourse structure, coupled with a single identity discourse. The curing of the foreign policy discourse pattern and the lack of attraction to the discourse audience have caused the relatively weak state of China's climate diplomatic discourse. Therefore, this paper holds that to change China's discourse status in Climate Governance, we should start with the strengthening and improvement of China's climate diplomatic identity language, especially in many western countries. At present, China needs to assume the responsibility of the active participants in the international climate governance, and make a transition to the identity of the international climate major governors, and increase the attention of the International Climate Governance in the foreign policy, so as to obtain the recognition of the international community to a greater extent. At the same time, we should obtain the legitimacy basis of global climate governance. At the same time, we should actively build the characteristic identity discourse of China's climate diplomacy, make China's climate diplomatic status discourse more pluralistic, and take it as an opportunity to expand the discourse of foreign policy. In addition, it is actively integrated into the existing international climate leading discourse for the discourse of China's climate diplomacy. While the transition creates a good international environment, it can also rammer the legitimacy foundation of Chinese climate Diplomatic Discourse, resist the interference of western strong discourse on our identity discourse, find the logical loopholes in the national identity and policy, question its identity, shake the credibility of its discourse, and speak to the Western climate hegemony. The language is resolutely resisted to stop the western group from taking international climate governance as a battlefield for its own strategic interests. However, the dominant discourse that is beneficial to the International Climate Governance in the West should be actively integrated into cooperation to expand the communication space of Chinese climate Diplomatic Discourse in order to shape the discourse environment conducive to international climate governance. The purpose is to lay a solid moral foundation for China's climate diplomacy discourse.
【学位授予单位】:吉林大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2012
【分类号】:D820

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