毛泽东时代中国的世界革命观念
发布时间:2018-09-18 09:26
【摘要】:1840年以来,中国逐渐被纳入西方资本主义世界体系,中国的革命再也不是孤立的国内事件,而是同整个世界的发展趋势、权力格局、利益分配密切地联系起来。根植于中国传统政治思想文化的土壤,毛泽东时代中国的世界革命观念来源于马克思和恩格斯的“同时革命”论,同时也受到苏联及共产国际的深刻影响,另一重要因素是中国革命和发展自身的需求。它经历了一个从形成发展到激进化再到逐步调整的过程。 中国共产党从诞生时就是以共产国际的一个支部而成立的。新中国成立后,中国共产党人明确了:中国革命是无产阶级社会主义世界革命的一部分。并且接受了列宁和斯大林关于帝国主义及民族问题的分析,对当时世界形势做出了这样的判断:帝国主义和无产阶级革命时代的主题是“革命与战争”。在二战后形成的资本主义与社会主义两大阵营中,美国封锁包围社会主义国家,干涉镇压他国革命,成为世界人民最主要的敌人。而苏联承认新中国,并热情支持援助中国革命,是中国革命坚定的支持者和盟友。革命胜利后,新中国开始关注与支持周边国家的革命运动。其中,最明显的表现是抗美援朝斗争和援越抗法斗争。在毛泽东看来“这是我们的国际主义义务”。 50年代中期以后,世界力量对比发生了重大变化:社会主义的力量对帝国主义的力量占了压倒性的优势,即东风压倒西风。在这种形势下,苏共召开二十大,提出和平过渡的观念,与美国大搞缓和,致使中苏两党出现分歧。在中国,革命主义最终战胜修正主义,中苏关系破裂。中国认为苏联已经成为实际上的社会帝国主义,不能再领导国际共产主义运动。因此,世界革命的中心在事实上已经向中国转移。在这一时期,中国的世界革命观念发展到最为激进的程度,中国认为战争一定会打起来,慷慨支援世界革命。使各国革命者通过革命来制止战争的战略成为当时中国主导的外交战略。 70年代,随着国际形势的变化,中国开始对“世界革命”的思想进行修正。中国领导人调整了世界革命的目标,不再强调革命的目标是否是社会主义,而强调摆脱帝国主义控制,争取真正民族独立和解放,进而提出了“三个世界划分”的理论。中国在推行世界革命的同时,更加重视民族利益,最明显的体现就是改善了与美国的关系。 在毛泽东时代,中国的世界革命理想与国家利益处于矛盾交汇中,二者既有重合又有对立,但在大多数情况下,二者是并重的,是统一的。世界革命思想影响中国的决策者对国家利益的基本判定,但最终是为国家利益服务的。毛泽东时代中国的世界革命观念虽然不可否认地存在着局限性,但它对中国外交也产生了一定的积极影响。正确认识世界革命观念的作用,对于全面了解思想本身,透彻观察新中国外交战略的变化,有着理论与实践的重大意义。
[Abstract]:Since 1840, China has gradually been brought into the western capitalist world system. China's revolution is no longer an isolated domestic event, but is closely related to the development trend of the whole world, the pattern of power, and the distribution of interests. Rooted in the soil of China's traditional political ideology and culture, the concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time came from Marx's and Engels's theory of "simultaneous revolution", and was also deeply influenced by the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Another important factor is China's revolution and development of its own needs. It goes through a process from formation to radicalization to gradual adjustment. The Communist Party of China was founded as a branch of Comintern when it was born. After the founding of New China, the Chinese Communists made it clear that the Chinese revolution was part of the proletarian socialist world revolution. He also accepted Lenin and Stalin's analysis of imperialism and national issues, and made such a judgment on the world situation at that time: the theme of the revolutionary era of imperialism and the proletariat was "revolution and war". In the two camps of capitalism and socialism formed after World War II, the United States blockaded and surrounded socialist countries, intervened to suppress other countries' revolutions, and became the main enemy of the people of the world. The Soviet Union recognized the new China and enthusiastically supported the Chinese revolution, and was a staunch supporter and ally of the Chinese Revolution. After the victory of the revolution, New China began to pay attention to and support the revolutionary movement of neighboring countries. Among them, the most obvious manifestation is the struggle of resisting US aggression and aiding Korea and the struggle of aid to Vietnam and France. In Mao Zedong's view, "this is our duty to internationalism". Since the mid-1950s, the balance of world power has changed significantly: the forces of socialism have taken an overwhelming advantage over the forces of imperialism. The east wind overwhelms the west wind. Under such circumstances, the CPC held the Twentieth National Congress, put forward the concept of peaceful transition, and made detente with the United States, resulting in differences between the Chinese and Soviet parties. In China, revolutionary doctrine finally defeated revisionism, and Sino-Soviet relations broke down. China believes that the Soviet Union has become de facto social imperialism and can no longer lead the international communist movement. As a result, the centre of the world revolution has in fact shifted to China. During this period, China's concept of world revolution developed to the most radical level, and China believed that war would certainly be fought and generously supported the world revolution. The strategy of making revolutionaries stop wars through revolution became the diplomatic strategy dominated by China at that time. In the 1970s, with the change of the international situation, China began to revise the thought of "world revolution". The Chinese leader adjusted the goal of the world revolution, no longer emphasized whether the goal of the revolution was socialism, but put forward the theory of "dividing the three worlds" by getting rid of the imperialist control and striving for the true national independence and liberation. China pays more attention to national interests while carrying out the world revolution, the most obvious manifestation of which is the improvement of its relations with the United States. In Mao Zedong's time, China's world revolutionary ideal and national interests were in contradiction and confluence, both of which were overlapped and opposed, but in most cases, the two were equally important and unified. The thought of world revolution influences the basic judgment of China's policy makers on national interests, but ultimately serves the national interests. Although China's concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time had its limitations, it had a positive influence on Chinese diplomacy. A correct understanding of the role of the concept of world revolution is of great theoretical and practical significance to the comprehensive understanding of the thought itself and to a thorough observation of the changes in the diplomatic strategy of New China.
【学位授予单位】:中国人民大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2010
【分类号】:A841;D80
本文编号:2247482
[Abstract]:Since 1840, China has gradually been brought into the western capitalist world system. China's revolution is no longer an isolated domestic event, but is closely related to the development trend of the whole world, the pattern of power, and the distribution of interests. Rooted in the soil of China's traditional political ideology and culture, the concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time came from Marx's and Engels's theory of "simultaneous revolution", and was also deeply influenced by the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Another important factor is China's revolution and development of its own needs. It goes through a process from formation to radicalization to gradual adjustment. The Communist Party of China was founded as a branch of Comintern when it was born. After the founding of New China, the Chinese Communists made it clear that the Chinese revolution was part of the proletarian socialist world revolution. He also accepted Lenin and Stalin's analysis of imperialism and national issues, and made such a judgment on the world situation at that time: the theme of the revolutionary era of imperialism and the proletariat was "revolution and war". In the two camps of capitalism and socialism formed after World War II, the United States blockaded and surrounded socialist countries, intervened to suppress other countries' revolutions, and became the main enemy of the people of the world. The Soviet Union recognized the new China and enthusiastically supported the Chinese revolution, and was a staunch supporter and ally of the Chinese Revolution. After the victory of the revolution, New China began to pay attention to and support the revolutionary movement of neighboring countries. Among them, the most obvious manifestation is the struggle of resisting US aggression and aiding Korea and the struggle of aid to Vietnam and France. In Mao Zedong's view, "this is our duty to internationalism". Since the mid-1950s, the balance of world power has changed significantly: the forces of socialism have taken an overwhelming advantage over the forces of imperialism. The east wind overwhelms the west wind. Under such circumstances, the CPC held the Twentieth National Congress, put forward the concept of peaceful transition, and made detente with the United States, resulting in differences between the Chinese and Soviet parties. In China, revolutionary doctrine finally defeated revisionism, and Sino-Soviet relations broke down. China believes that the Soviet Union has become de facto social imperialism and can no longer lead the international communist movement. As a result, the centre of the world revolution has in fact shifted to China. During this period, China's concept of world revolution developed to the most radical level, and China believed that war would certainly be fought and generously supported the world revolution. The strategy of making revolutionaries stop wars through revolution became the diplomatic strategy dominated by China at that time. In the 1970s, with the change of the international situation, China began to revise the thought of "world revolution". The Chinese leader adjusted the goal of the world revolution, no longer emphasized whether the goal of the revolution was socialism, but put forward the theory of "dividing the three worlds" by getting rid of the imperialist control and striving for the true national independence and liberation. China pays more attention to national interests while carrying out the world revolution, the most obvious manifestation of which is the improvement of its relations with the United States. In Mao Zedong's time, China's world revolutionary ideal and national interests were in contradiction and confluence, both of which were overlapped and opposed, but in most cases, the two were equally important and unified. The thought of world revolution influences the basic judgment of China's policy makers on national interests, but ultimately serves the national interests. Although China's concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time had its limitations, it had a positive influence on Chinese diplomacy. A correct understanding of the role of the concept of world revolution is of great theoretical and practical significance to the comprehensive understanding of the thought itself and to a thorough observation of the changes in the diplomatic strategy of New China.
【学位授予单位】:中国人民大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2010
【分类号】:A841;D80
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