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以小博大:越美巴黎谈判中的越南自主外交(1968-1973)

发布时间:2019-05-29 02:29
【摘要】:1968—1973年的越美巴黎谈判是最终促成侵越美军撤出越南、结束干涉战争,越南取得民族解放战争胜利的重要历史事件。前人论述或局限于“美国中心”,或囿于史料不足,对越美谈判的研究非常不充分,尤其忽视越南在其中的角色。本文以越南为研究视角,对越美谈判做系统论述,论文主要由前言、正文和结论三部分构成。前言部分回顾前人有关该问题的研究状况,提出论文的选题背景和意义,论文的研究思路和史料采集情况。正文共分六章。第一章主要讨论越南党和政府的谈判准备,具体分为三个层面展开论述:一、思想认识上的准备。越南劳动党中央对如何解决越南问题始终保持清醒的认识,把外交谈判作为抗美救国战争的必要组成部分;二、对美和谈试探的斗争,尝试和美国对话,为正式谈判奠定了基础;三、面对中国反谈、苏联促谈和由此引起的分歧,越南坚持自己对形势的分析和判断,准确把握谈判时机。第二章主要阐述美国统治集团围绕印支战争是战是和而发生的具有重要意义的分裂。美国1968年开始和越南谈判是其侵越政策破产的结果,美国垄断资本集团的侵越政策共识在越南军民顽强的斗志和军事打击面前逐渐破裂,并被迫开始单方面战争降级,在此重要背景下,约翰逊政府向越南发出和谈请求,越南抗美救国战争由此迈入了边打边谈的阶段。第三章论述越美谈判最初九个月的情况,是为谈判的第一阶段。除了会谈地点问题外,双方主要围绕美国停止轰炸北越和会谈模式问题展开较量。在越南耐心而坚决的斗争下,约翰逊政府宣布停止实施对北越长达三年之久“霹雳行动”。由于会谈模式背后其实就是关于越南南方民族解放阵线的合法性问题,进而关系到越南南方政权问题,所以一个看似简单的问题在双方会谈中争论不已,双方有关桌子形状和如何摆放以及标识与会方等细节上的交涉其实都与此直接相关。讨论最后的结果是,双方各自解释代表团构成,因此巴黎会谈形式上就是四方会谈。第四章主要叙述黎德寿和基辛格1970年开始秘密谈判,直到1972年5月,是为第二阶段谈判。双方的立场差距甚远,美国主张军事、政治问题脱钩处理,即美国和北越讨论撤军和战俘等军事问题,越南南方政权问题留给越南内部自己解决,越南坚持军事、政治问题一揽子解决。为此,谈判两度中断,各达近8个月时间,越美谈判的焦点归结到阮文绍的去留问题。第五章主要论述越美第三阶段谈判,1972年5月到10月的会谈是整个谈判过程中最关键、也是最艰难的时期。从1972年8月起,北越向美国提出最高、中间和最低三套解决方案。越南劳动党中央经过反复认识和讨论,最终明确越南的谈判目标是,签署一份在越南结束战争、恢复和平的协议,而不再是推翻西贡伪政权,建立联合政府。这个转变对谈判取得重大突破具有极其重要的意义,它明确了谈判方向,即先解决军事问题和有关政治问题的原则,第二步由南越各方解决内部问题。北越适时、主动地调整谈判政策,大大加速了谈判进程,使得越南问题走上了解决的道路。第六章阐述越美最后阶段的谈判斗争。美国唆使阮文绍提出修改协议,企图推翻协议文本。北越针锋相对,坚持自己的谈判底线,有效的维护了越南的正当权益,迫使美国不得不按照1972年10月20日协议的基础在和平协定书上签字。巴黎协定的签订标志着美国打着反共旗号的侵越战争惨淡收场,这一神圣的协定吹响了越南民族和国家统一的号角。结论部分在上述阐述基础上,总结概括了越南在越美谈判过程中以小博大,坚持自主外交的外交艺术和独特魅力。结论部分还谈到了由越南以弱小民族之地位进行自主外交而认识到的两点经验,以提升越美谈判的分析层次。
[Abstract]:The Vietnam-U.S. Paris talks of 1968-1973 were an important historical event that eventually led to the withdrawal of the US forces from Vietnam, the end of the intervention, and the victory of the national liberation war in Viet Nam. The previous discussion is not limited to the "United States Center", or to the shortage of historical materials, and the research on the more beautiful negotiation is not sufficient, especially to ignore the role of the Vietnamese in it. In this paper, a systematic exposition of the more beautiful negotiation is made in the perspective of Vietnam, which is mainly composed of the preface, the text and the conclusion. In the preface, the author reviews the research status of this problem, and puts forward the background and significance of the thesis, and the research thoughts and the data collection of the thesis. The text is divided into six chapters. The first chapter mainly discusses the preparation of the negotiation between the party and the government of the Vietnam, which is divided into three aspects: one, the preparation of the thought. The Party Central Committee of Viet Nam has always maintained a clear understanding of how to solve the problem of Vietnam, as an essential part of the war on the fight against the United States, and the struggle, the attempt and the American dialogue for the negotiation of the United States, and laid the foundation for formal negotiations; and, in the face of China's anti-talk, The Soviet Union talked about and caused the differences, and Vietnam maintained its own analysis and judgment on the situation and accurately grasped the timing of the negotiations. The second chapter mainly states that the U. S. ruling group has an important and important division around the Indo-China war. The United States began in 1968 and the Vietnam negotiations were the result of its invasion and Vietnam policy. The policy consensus of the US monopoly capital group was gradually broken in the face of the strong fighting and military strike in Vietnam, and was forced to start a unilateral war, in which case, The Johnson government sent a request for peace talks to Vietnam, and the Vietnam War of Resistance to the Salvation of the U.S. led to a period of talks. The third chapter discusses the first nine months of the negotiation, which is the first stage of the negotiation. In addition to that issue of the venue, the two sides will play a major role in the United states to stop the bombing of the North and the talks. In a patient and firm struggle in Vietnam, the Johnson government announced that it would stop implementing a three-year-long "THUNDERBOLT" to the North. in that light of the question of the legitimacy of the national liberation front in the south of Viet Nam, the issue of the south's regime in the south of Viet Nam has been linked to the pattern of the talks, so that a seemingly simple question has been disputing in the talks of the two sides, The negotiations between the two parties on the shape of the table and how to place and identify the parties involved are in fact directly related to this. The final result is that the two sides have their respective explanations of the composition of the delegation, so the Paris talks are in the form of a four-party talks. The fourth chapter mainly describes the secret talks between Li Deshou and Kissinger in 1970, and in May 1972, it was the second phase of the negotiations. The two sides are far from the position, and the United States stands for the decoupling of military and political issues, namely, the United States and the North to discuss military issues such as the withdrawal of troops and prisoners of war, the issue of the southern regime of Viet Nam being left to the interior of Viet Nam for its own settlement, and Viet Nam's insistence on a package of military and political issues. For this reason, the negotiation of two-degree interruption, the time of nearly 8 months, the focus of the over-the-the-the-the-U.S. talks, to the remaining problems of the Republic of Korea. The fifth chapter mainly discusses the third phase of the negotiation, and the talks from May to October 1972 are the most critical and most difficult times in the whole negotiation process. Since August 1972, the more North has proposed the highest, middle and least three sets of solutions to the United States. Vietnam's Party Central Committee has repeatedly known and discussed, and finally, it is clear that Vietnam's negotiating goal is to sign a deal to end the war and to restore peace in Vietnam, not to overthrow the puppet regime in Saigon and to establish a coalition government. This transition is of great importance for the major breakthrough in the negotiations, and it has made clear the direction of the negotiations, namely, the first solution to the military issues and the principles of political issues, and the second step is to resolve the internal problems by the South Vietnamese. The more timely and active adjustment of the negotiation policy in the north, the process of the negotiation was greatly accelerated, so that the issue of Viet Nam was on the way to the settlement. The sixth chapter expounds the negotiation and struggle of the last stage of the beauty of the United States. The U. S. instigated a modification of the agreement to attempt to overturn the text of the agreement. North Vietnam, with its own negotiating bottom line, has effectively defended the legitimate rights and interests of Vietnam, forcing the United States to sign the peace agreement on the basis of the agreement of 20 October 1972. The signing of the Paris agreement marks the bitter end of the war in the United States against the anti-Japanese war, the sacred agreement that blew the national and national unity of the Vietnamese nation. The conclusion is based on the above-mentioned exposition, and summarizes the diplomatic art and unique charm of Vietnam in the process of the more beautiful negotiation. The conclusion part also talks about the two-point experience, which is recognized by the country's autonomous diplomacy with the status of the small minority nationality, in order to improve the analytical hierarchy of the better negotiation.
【学位授予单位】:南京大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2010
【分类号】:D815

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