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纳粹德国“企业共同体”劳资关系模式研究

发布时间:2018-07-14 10:56
【摘要】:纳粹德国只存在十二年的时间,然而史学家对这段历史的研究兴趣始终没有减退。如今,对纳粹德国历史的研究视角逐渐从军事、外交和种族政策扩展到社会政策。在社会政策研究中,劳资关系是十分重要的一环,却也是十分棘手的一环。之所以重要,是因为劳资关系是自工业革命以来各时期德国政府都必须面对的问题,纳粹政府也不会例外;之所以棘手,是因为传统的历史研究已经为纳粹的劳工政策套上了强烈的价值取向,把纳粹的劳工政策斥责为“欺骗”。然而这并不能完全解释纳粹时期较为平稳的劳资关系。研究者仍在追问:纳粹政府究竟采用了什么方式稳住了其统治期间的劳资关系?笔者试图对这一问题进行回答。 本文认为,纳粹时期的劳资关系呈现出一种完全不同于魏玛共和国时期和联邦德国时期的模式。这种被称为“企业共同体”的劳资关系模式萌芽于帝国时期,在魏玛共和国末期由保守企业主提出,并最终因为与纳粹党的“民族共同体”思想契合而被纳入纳粹劳动法。本文考察的便是这种劳资关系模式的历史由来、在纳粹党执政期间的实践情况及效果。本文采用大量德语文献资料和研究著作,侧重于从社会史的角度考察纳粹时期的“企业共同体”劳资关系模式,着眼于各方所处的真实社会环境,并考查这些社会环境对当事人产生的影响。 本文分为绪言、正文和结语三个部分。正文按照时间顺序,分六个章节展开,逐一分析魏玛共和国劳资关系民主化进程的失败、魏玛共和国末期右翼劳资关系观、纳粹德国“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的建立、发展、变化与战争对这种劳资关系模式的影响。 第一章是全文的前奏,着重探讨魏玛共和国劳资关系民主化进程失败的原因。作为德意志历史上第一个民主共和国,魏玛共和国的民主不仅体现在政治制度上,而且也反映在经济生活中,尤其是建立了跨企业层面的集体合同制和企业层面的企业共决制双重机制,是德国劳资关系民主化进程的重大进步。但是这些民主机制没有真正发挥作用,一方面由于战争赔款等不利因素给德国经济复苏带来沉重包袱,另一方面劳资双方并没有真正接受民主制度,缺乏阶级合作的诚意。魏玛共和国后期,劳资关系不断恶化,政府无法坐视劳资斗争危及社会稳定,因此通过国家强制调解逐步取代劳资自主谈判机制。 第二章分析魏玛共和国时期右翼劳资关系观。魏玛共和国末期,企业主、包括知识分子和纳粹党在内的多方保守力量都提出用共同体思想解决劳资冲突。企业家提出“企业共同体”思想,这种思想有其历史渊源,早在19世纪工业化进程中就被开明企业主用于实践。它反对劳资利益团体谈判的模式,反对企业外部组织如工会和国家对劳资关系的干涉,提倡在企业内部建立由企业主领导的、企业主和职工共同参与的劳资对话和共决机制,并推行与之相应的企业福利政策,通过这些福利政策唤醒工人的企业归属感。而此时的纳粹党虽然只有模糊的政治经济纲领,尚无明确清晰的劳工政策,但是也希望通过“民族共同体”思想来融合劳资矛盾。“企业共同体”思想与“民族共同体”思想之间存在很大共性,这是纳粹上台后将“企业共同体”思想写入劳动法的主要原因。 第三章考察1933年到1934年初“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的建立。纳粹党上台后,改组企业代表会,取缔各种工会组织,通过各种手段去除魏玛共和国时期确立的民主劳资关系调节机制。希特勒拒绝成立纳粹工会,而是建立起由企业主、工人、职员、自由职业者等参加的跨阶级组织“德意志劳动阵线”。在这一时期,纳粹党面临的最大任务是稳定政权、消除失业率,拉动经济发展。因此它采取拉拢大企业主保守势力的策略,并暂时向他们让步,去除德意志劳动阵线协调劳资关系的职能,并于1934年初颁布《民族劳动秩序法》,确立“企业共同体”劳资关系模式,赋予企业主极大的自主权。 第四章是本文的重点,详细研究1934年到1936年“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的实践情况。按照《民族劳动秩序法》,“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的各机构纷纷建立,如跨企业层面的劳动托事和社会荣誉法庭,企业层面的企业领袖、企业规章,信任代表会等。与此同时,德意志劳动阵线逐步摆脱纳粹思想教育的职能限定,获得监督企业共同体的权力,并在企业福利政策等方面对企业共同体施加影响,成为纳粹党在劳资关系上的代言人。但这一阶段纳粹党的主要目标仍然是消除失业、发展经济,因此它并未对企业共同体进行大规模干预,而且还通过劳动托事帮助企业减少经济压力,鼓励企业吸纳失业人员。劳工虽然失去了组建利益代表组织的权利,但获得了就业的机会,而且企业福利的改善也让他们感觉自己的地位有所提高,因而对“企业共同体”劳资关系模式表现出容忍和顺从的态度。 第五章重点分析1936年“四年计划”颁布到1939年发动战争期间“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的变化。在解决失业、复苏经济之后,纳粹党将加大扩军备战力度作为这一阶段的目标,它要求德国经济“四年之后必须能支撑战争”,而此时劳工却开始利用有利的劳动力市场频繁跳槽、要求涨工资。在这个背景下,避免劳工不良情绪、保证企业平稳生产成为纳粹德国企业政策的重点。一方面,纳粹党通过德意志劳动阵线在企业内成立“工厂突击队”,加大力度监督企业主和劳工,开展“纳粹企业效率竞赛”,以扩军备战和提高生产效率为目标发展企业福利;另一方面纳粹政府扩大劳动托事的职权,令其限定某些行业的最高工资、限制劳动力流动。在这样的背景下,“企业共同体”劳资关系模式发生了变化,企业家的自主权逐步缩小,纳粹党和国家的统一调控加强。 第六章分析战争对“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的影响。为了保证战争的顺利进行,纳粹政府开始全面控制经济,尤其是对企业的控制达到空前。劳动托事机构规模迅速扩大,并获得处罚权,可以有效地监管每个企业在战争中的行为。德意志劳动阵线也不再以发展企业福利为工作重点,而是为国家战争政策服务,在企业中加强战争宣传,督促劳工加紧工作。在战前用来教育和警示不良企业主的社会荣誉法庭陷于停顿,取而代之的对劳动纪律涣散的劳工进行处罚的监狱和劳动教养所。但与此同时,纳粹政府也吸取了第一次世界大战的教训,尽量不让战争期间的工资和劳动条件低于劳工的承受底线。 在结语部分,笔者试图从微观、中观和宏观三个层次分析纳粹德国“企业共同体”劳资关系模式的形成、实践特点和作用,该个案对于认识纳粹主义所能提供的帮助以及这种劳资关系的局限性和生命力。
[Abstract]:Nazi Germany only existed for twelve years, but historians have never lost interest in this history. Now, the perspective of the history of Nazi Germany has gradually expanded from military, diplomatic and racial policies to social policy. In the study of social policy, labor relations are a very important link, but also a very difficult part. The reason is that the labor relations are the problems that the German government must face since the industrial revolution, and the Nazi government is no exception. The reason is that the traditional historical research has set up a strong value orientation for the Nazi Labor Policy and reprimand the Nazi Labor Policy as "deception". It does not fully explain the more stable labor relations in the Nazi period. The researchers are still asking what the Nazi government has adopted to stabilize the labor relations during its rule, and I try to answer this question.
This article holds that the labor relations in the Nazi period showed a pattern that was completely different from the period of the Republic of Weimar and the period of the Federal Republic of Germany. This mode of labor relations, known as the "enterprise community", sprout in the period of the Empire, was put forward by the conservative entrepreneurs at the end of the Republic of Weimar, and finally because of the "national community of the Nazi party". "The thought fits into the Nazi Labor Law. This article examines the historical origin of this mode of labor relations and the practice and effect of the Nazi party in power. This article uses a large number of German literature and research works, focusing on the" enterprise community "model of the" enterprise community "in the Nazi period from the perspective of social history, Eye in the real social environment of the parties, and examine the impact of these social environment on the parties.
This article is divided into three parts: the preface, the text and the conclusion. The text is divided into six chapters in accordance with the time sequence. The failure of the process of democratization of labor relations in the Republic of Weimar is analyzed one by one. The labor relations view of the right wing in the late Weimar Republic and the establishment, development, change and war of the labor and capital model of the Nazi German "enterprise community" The influence of the relationship pattern.
The first chapter is the prelude to the full text, focusing on the reasons for the failure of the process of Democratic Labor Relations democratization in the Republic of Weimar. As the first democratic republic in German history, democracy in the Republic of Weimar is not only reflected in the political system, but also reflected in the economic life, especially the establishment of the collective contract system and the enterprise layer across the enterprise level. The dual mechanism of enterprise common decision system is a major progress in the process of democratization of labor relations in Germany. But these democratic mechanisms do not really play a role. On the one hand, the adverse factors such as war indemnity and other adverse factors have brought heavy burden on the economic recovery of Germany, on the other hand, there is no real acceptance of democracy and lack of class cooperation. In the later period of the Republic of Weimar, the relations between labor and capital were deteriorating, and the government was unable to sit through the labor struggle to endanger the stability of the society. Therefore, the mechanism of independent labor and capital negotiation was gradually replaced by state compulsory mediation.
The second chapter analyzes the right wing labor relations view in the Republic of Weimar. At the end of the Republic of Weimar, the enterprise owners, including the intellectuals and the Nazi party, put forward a community thought to solve the labor conflict. The entrepreneurs put forward the idea of "enterprise community". This thought has its historical origin, as early as the process of industrialization in nineteenth Century. It is used by the enlightened enterprise owners in practice. It is opposed to the mode of negotiations between labor and capital interests, and against external organizations such as trade unions and state interference in labor relations, advocating the establishment of a labor and capital dialogue and co decision mechanism led by the business owners, the owners and the workers in the enterprise, and the implementation of the corresponding corporate welfare policies. Through these welfare policies, the Nazi party, although only a vague political and economic programme, has no clear and clear labor policy, but it also hopes to integrate the contradiction between labor and capital through the "national community" thought. There is a great common between "enterprise community" and "national community". This is the main reason why the Nazi came into power and wrote the idea of "corporate community" into the labor law.
The third chapter examines the establishment of the industrial relations model of the "enterprise community" from 1933 to early 1934. After the Nazi Party came to power, it reorganized the enterprise representatives and banned all kinds of trade union organizations. Through various means, the Democratic Labor Relations regulation mechanism established during the period of the Republic of Weimar was removed. Hitler refused to establish the Nazi trade union, but set up a business owner. In this period, the greatest task faced by the Nazi party was to stabilize the political power, eliminate the unemployment rate and promote economic development. Therefore, the Nazi Party adopted the strategy of drawing close to the conservative forces of the big business owners and conceded to them for the time being, to remove the German labor front to coordinate work. The function of capital relations and promulgated the "national labor Order Act" in early 1934, established the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations, giving the owners great autonomy.
The fourth chapter is the key point of this article. The practice of the labor relations model of "enterprise community" from 1934 to 1936 is studied in detail. According to the law of national labor order, the institutions of labor relations in the enterprise community are set up in succession, such as the labor support and the social honor court across the enterprise level, enterprise leaders at the enterprise level, and the enterprise rules. At the same time, the Deutsche labor front gradually broke away from the function limit of Nazi ideological education, obtained the power to supervise the enterprise community and exerted influence on the enterprise community in the enterprise welfare policy, and became a representative of the Nazi party in the labor relations. But the main goal of the Nazi party in this stage is still to be the main goal of the Nazi party. In order to eliminate unemployment and develop the economy, it does not interfere with the business community in a large scale, and it also helps enterprises to reduce the economic pressure and encourage enterprises to absorb the unemployed. Although the labor has lost the right to organize the interests of the organization, it has obtained the opportunity for employment, and the improvement of the welfare of the enterprise also makes them feel the same. Their position has improved, so they show tolerance and submissive attitude towards the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations.
The fifth chapter focuses on the analysis of the changes in the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" during the "four year plan" of 1936 and the "enterprise community" during the war in 1939. After solving the unemployment and the recovery of the economy, the Nazi party will increase the strength of the armies to prepare for the war. It requires the German economy to "be able to support the war in four years", and at this time, the German economy will be able to support the war. Workers are starting to use the favorable labor market to jump frequently and demand higher wages. In this context, it is necessary to avoid the bad mood of labor and ensure that the smooth production of enterprises is the focus of the Nazi German enterprise policy. On the one hand, the Nazi Party established the "factory commando" through the Deutsche labor front in the enterprise and strengthened the supervision of the business owners. On the other hand, the Nazi government expanded the power of the labor support to limit the highest wages in some industries and limit the flow of labor. In this context, the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" has changed. The autonomy of entrepreneurs gradually shrinks, and the unified regulation and control of the Nazi Party and the state are strengthened.
The sixth chapter analyzes the impact of the war on the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations. In order to ensure the smooth progress of the war, the Nazi government began to control the economy in an all-round way, especially the control of the enterprises. The scale of the labor agency was expanded rapidly, and the power of punishment was obtained, and the behavior of each enterprise in the war could be effectively regulated. The wills will no longer focus on the development of enterprise welfare, but serve the national war policy, strengthen war propaganda and urge labor to tighten work. The social honor court used to educate and warn bad entrepreneurs before the war is stopped and replaced by penitentiary penitentiary for labor disciplined labourers. But at the same time, the Nazi government learned the lessons of the first World War and tried not to allow wages and labour conditions during the war to be lower than that of the labourers.
In the concluding part, the author tries to analyze the formation of the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" of Nazi Germany from three levels of microcosmic, meso and macro levels, and its practical characteristics and functions. The case is helpful to the understanding of Nazism and the limitations and vitality of this kind of labor relations.
【学位授予单位】:华东师范大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2009
【分类号】:F249.516;K516.44

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9 袁春旺;中低收入阶层住房金融支持[D];吉林大学;2006年

10 贺红岩;博洛尼亚进程下德国学位制度的改革[D];河北师范大学;2007年



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