约翰逊时期的美国对台政策
发布时间：2018-08-28 10:13
【摘要】：约翰逊(Lyndon B．Johnson)时期的美国对华政策，尽管从表面上来看并未发生突变，其基调仍然承袭了自1949年中国人民共和国成立之后美国政府便开始推行的遏制和封锁政策，但在政策动因的层面，，约翰逊政府的对华政策却前承肯尼迪(John F．Kennedy)的“微开门”政策，后启尼克松(Richard M．Nixon)打开与中国交往大门的重大决策，发生了颇具深意的一系列改变。60年代中后期，在美国国内外形势的推动下，传统的对华遏制政策越来越受到来自于各方的质疑和批评，要求改变对华政策的意见逐渐成为美国舆论界的主流。在约翰逊政府的议事日程中，重新审视对华政策的主张也越来越受到决策者的重视。1966年，“遏制但不孤立”政策的提出，突出反映了美国试图改变对华政策的努力。 所有这一切不可避免地会在有关对华政策的辩论中表现出来。在对华政策的制订与实施过程中，美国决策者以及试图对决策进程发生影响的舆论界人士都不可避免地要回答一个关键性问题：如何处理与台湾及所谓“中华民国”的关系?此时的台湾是美国在印度支那军事作战的重要后勤基地，同时华盛顿与台北之间也在意识形态上存在着依附关系。美国各方人士坚持认为，美国对台湾防御的安全承诺是冷战时期美国全球战略网络的一个重要组成部分。另一方面，美国约翰逊政府与蒋介石政权存在诸多分歧和矛盾，美国极力遏制台湾这一“麻烦制造者”的种种“冒险”之举，避免与中国大陆发生直接对抗，约翰逊时期的美台关系是复杂而微妙的。 在上述背景下，美国越来越倾向于不再承认台湾是“代表全中国的唯一合法政府”。虽然在国际上仍然支持台湾，但是策略性的“两个中国”政策已经渐趋明朗化；在法国承认中华人民共和国和中国爆炸第一颗原子弹的影响下，台湾的国际地位实际上已经“今非昔比”；美国从自身在亚太地区的战略利益考虑出发，面对蒋介石“反攻大陆”和开辟“第二战场”以配合越战的建议，美国政府坚决地予以回绝；美国对蒋介石“赖以立国”的“光复大陆”政策态度逐渐明朗化，从含混到清晰的转变说明美台在此问题上存在原则性的分歧；对台经济援助的取消和军事援助的大幅度削减，一方面说明台湾“经济有成”，完成了经济腾飞前的初步准备，另一方面表明，美国在扶植台湾方面不再是不遗余力了。 本论文通过对相关历史资料的研究与梳理，利用大量美国原始解密档案，对约翰逊政府时期的美国对台政策进行综合研究与论证。在美台外交、遏制蒋介石反攻大陆、美国对台援助政策变化等几个个案的基础上，分析约翰逊时期美国对台政策的总体演变趋势，并对这一时期美国对华政策的总体演变做出考证与评价。
[Abstract]:Although there was no apparent abrupt change in the US policy towards China during the Lyndon B.Johnson period, the tone of the policy was still inherited from the containment and blockade policy that the US government began to implement after the founding of the people's Republic of China in 1949. At the level of policy motivation, however, Johnson administration's China policy was followed by John F.Kennedy 's "micro-door" policy, which later opened the door of Richard M.Nixon 's decision to engage with China. A series of profound changes took place in the middle and late 1960s. Driven by the situation at home and abroad in the United States, the traditional containment policy towards China was increasingly questioned and criticized by all sides. Calls for a change in China policy have gradually become the mainstream of American public opinion. In the Johnson administration's agenda, the idea of reconsidering the China policy has also been paid more and more attention by policy makers. In 1966, the policy of "containment but not isolation" was put forward, which highlighted the efforts of the United States to change its China policy. All this will inevitably be reflected in the debate on China policy. In the process of formulating and implementing policies towards China, American policy makers and public opinion circles who are trying to influence the decision-making process inevitably have to answer a key question: how to deal with the relationship with Taiwan and the so-called "Republic of China"? Taiwan was an important logistics base for U.S. military operations at Indochina, and there were ideological dependencies between Washington and Taipei. U.S. security commitments to Taiwan's defense are an important part of the U.S. global strategic network during the Cold War. On the other hand, the Johnson administration of the United States and the regime of Jiang Jieshi have many differences and contradictions. The United States has tried its best to contain all kinds of "adventures" of Taiwan, a "troublemaker," and to avoid direct confrontation with the Chinese mainland. Johnson's relationship with Taiwan was complex and delicate. Against this backdrop, the United States is increasingly inclined to stop recognizing Taiwan as the "sole legitimate government representing the whole of China." Although Taiwan is still supported internationally, the strategic policy of "two Chinas" has gradually become more and more clear; with France acknowledging the influence of the first atomic bomb by the people's Republic of China and China, In fact, Taiwan's international status has changed from what it used to be. In view of its own strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the United States is faced with Jiang Jieshi's proposal to "counter attack the mainland" and open up a "second battlefield" to coordinate with the Vietnam War. The US government firmly rejected it, and its attitude toward Jiang Jieshi's policy of "restoring the mainland to the mainland on which China was founded" gradually became clear, and the change from ambiguity to clarity showed that there were differences of principle between the United States and Taiwan on this issue. The cancellation of economic aid to Taiwan and the substantial reduction of military aid on the one hand show that Taiwan's "economy is successful," and that it has completed the preliminary preparations before its economic take-off, on the other hand, shows that the United States is no longer sparing no effort in fostering Taiwan. Through the research and combing of relevant historical data, this paper makes a comprehensive study and demonstration of the American policy towards Taiwan during the Johnson Administration by using a large number of original declassified files. On the basis of several cases of US-Taiwan diplomacy, containing Jiang Jieshi's counter-attack on the mainland, and the change of US aid policy to Taiwan, this paper analyzes the overall evolution trend of US policy on Taiwan during the Johnson period. And to this period the overall evolution of the United States policy towards China to make textual research and evaluation.
【学位授予单位】：华东师范大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2006
【分类号】：K712.54
本文编号：2209086
[Abstract]:Although there was no apparent abrupt change in the US policy towards China during the Lyndon B.Johnson period, the tone of the policy was still inherited from the containment and blockade policy that the US government began to implement after the founding of the people's Republic of China in 1949. At the level of policy motivation, however, Johnson administration's China policy was followed by John F.Kennedy 's "micro-door" policy, which later opened the door of Richard M.Nixon 's decision to engage with China. A series of profound changes took place in the middle and late 1960s. Driven by the situation at home and abroad in the United States, the traditional containment policy towards China was increasingly questioned and criticized by all sides. Calls for a change in China policy have gradually become the mainstream of American public opinion. In the Johnson administration's agenda, the idea of reconsidering the China policy has also been paid more and more attention by policy makers. In 1966, the policy of "containment but not isolation" was put forward, which highlighted the efforts of the United States to change its China policy. All this will inevitably be reflected in the debate on China policy. In the process of formulating and implementing policies towards China, American policy makers and public opinion circles who are trying to influence the decision-making process inevitably have to answer a key question: how to deal with the relationship with Taiwan and the so-called "Republic of China"? Taiwan was an important logistics base for U.S. military operations at Indochina, and there were ideological dependencies between Washington and Taipei. U.S. security commitments to Taiwan's defense are an important part of the U.S. global strategic network during the Cold War. On the other hand, the Johnson administration of the United States and the regime of Jiang Jieshi have many differences and contradictions. The United States has tried its best to contain all kinds of "adventures" of Taiwan, a "troublemaker," and to avoid direct confrontation with the Chinese mainland. Johnson's relationship with Taiwan was complex and delicate. Against this backdrop, the United States is increasingly inclined to stop recognizing Taiwan as the "sole legitimate government representing the whole of China." Although Taiwan is still supported internationally, the strategic policy of "two Chinas" has gradually become more and more clear; with France acknowledging the influence of the first atomic bomb by the people's Republic of China and China, In fact, Taiwan's international status has changed from what it used to be. In view of its own strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the United States is faced with Jiang Jieshi's proposal to "counter attack the mainland" and open up a "second battlefield" to coordinate with the Vietnam War. The US government firmly rejected it, and its attitude toward Jiang Jieshi's policy of "restoring the mainland to the mainland on which China was founded" gradually became clear, and the change from ambiguity to clarity showed that there were differences of principle between the United States and Taiwan on this issue. The cancellation of economic aid to Taiwan and the substantial reduction of military aid on the one hand show that Taiwan's "economy is successful," and that it has completed the preliminary preparations before its economic take-off, on the other hand, shows that the United States is no longer sparing no effort in fostering Taiwan. Through the research and combing of relevant historical data, this paper makes a comprehensive study and demonstration of the American policy towards Taiwan during the Johnson Administration by using a large number of original declassified files. On the basis of several cases of US-Taiwan diplomacy, containing Jiang Jieshi's counter-attack on the mainland, and the change of US aid policy to Taiwan, this paper analyzes the overall evolution trend of US policy on Taiwan during the Johnson period. And to this period the overall evolution of the United States policy towards China to make textual research and evaluation.
【学位授予单位】：华东师范大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2006
【分类号】：K712.54
【引证文献】
相关期刊论文 前1条
1 陈兼;;对“冷战”在战略层面的再界定——1960年代末、1970年代初美国对华及东亚政策的转变及其涵义[J];国际政治研究;2008年03期
本文编号：2209086
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