乡村秩序重构：建国初期麻城土改研究（1949-1953）

发布时间：2018-06-16 03:10

本文选题：建国初期 + 麻城　；参考：《中南财经政法大学》2017年硕士论文

【摘要】：本文以建国初期麻城地区的土地改革运动为个案,试图通过书写一个县域的土改进程,描绘国家权力深入乡村以及基层社会秩序重构的状况,梳理该地区经济结构和社会组织变迁的脉络,分析土改对于传统乡村社会变革的深层次意义。在传统的麻城乡村社会,地方政府和家族是两种最重要的社会力量,县政拥有管理各家族和社会团体的权力,不同姓氏的家族管理着数量庞大的底层农民,为数不少的寺庙、会道门组织也控制着一定数量的农民和社会资源。麻城地区丘陵多,成片的田地较少,因此,家族和各种社会组织数量多,但单个组织的占田规模并不大。当地呈现出总人口很多、田地很少、民间组织不强大的社会状况。人地矛盾和家族矛盾突出,底层农民常为生存与地主进行斗争。由于缺少一种跨血缘的思想和组织资源,全县的贫苦农民并不团结,土地斗争的规模不大。中国共产党很早就在麻城地区进行土地革命,在改造传统的经济模式和社会结构上进行了多次实践。新中国成立以后,中共麻城县委通过土地改革对乡村社会的基层组织和社会结构进行整体性的调整。清匪反霸运动打垮了地主和民间组织,革命干部取代了以往的县长、区长,成为忠实执行上级政策的管理者,麻城社会的中间层被替换。为了改造最底层的农民,县委派出土改工作队进入每一个乡村,通过宣传阶级斗争和组织贫雇农,把大量最贫困的底层农民集合到了贫农协会之内。新政权通过开展贫农和地主之间的斗争瓦解掉原有的家族组织,通过田地分配将乡村社会变成一户一户的小农家庭。经过土地改革,麻城全县60余万农业人口相对平均地分配了84万余亩土地,36万余贫雇农翻身成了主人翁,平均每人分得1亩多的田地。土改之后,麻城原有的家族经济和家族组织彻底消失,形成了以个体农户为基础的小农经营模式,农民的分散性大大加深。土改中的阶级斗争形成了新的阶级组织,新的乡政系统也在这个基础上建立起来,相比于以往的乡绅,新的乡村精英对政权的认同度更高。在土改斗争中,宗族伦理难以延续,农民开始形成阶级观念和阶级认同,人们以阶级归属来处理自身的社会关系。在消灭家族和其他民间组织的同时,阶级认同将整个县城的农民整合成为一个整体,长期困扰麻城地区的各类社会冲突也不复出现。最后,本文试图思考土改斗争中麻城的乡村社会动员机制及麻城在土改过程中呈现出来的地方特色。土改干部善于从底层农民普遍性的苦的体验入手,将农民个体的矛盾归纳为阶级矛盾,迅速获得贫雇农的广泛认同。而麻城的土改斗争激烈程度相比于北方老解放区要轻,相比于南方及边疆则要重一些;作为老苏区,底层农民在土改前的犹疑程度会比其他地区重一些;在土改斗争中,麻城本地的阶级斗争是深入推进的,一些过火行为并没有得到大规模的纠偏。
[Abstract]:Taking the land reform movement in Aicheng area in the early years of the people's Republic of China as an example, this paper attempts to describe the state of the state power in the countryside and the reconstruction of social order at the grass-roots level by writing the process of land reform in a county area. Combing the changing context of economic structure and social organization in this area, the paper analyzes the profound significance of land reform to the traditional rural social change. In the traditional rural society of Macheng, the local government and the family are the two most important social forces. The county government has the power to manage the various families and social organizations, and the families with different surnames manage a large number of bottom class peasants and many temples. The Huidaomen organization also controls a certain number of farmers and social resources. There are many hilly areas and less fields in Macheng area, so the number of families and various social organizations is large, but the size of single organization is not large. The local population is large, the field is small, and the civil society is not strong. The contradiction between man and land and family is prominent, and the bottom peasants often struggle with landlords for survival. Due to the lack of a cross-blood ideological and organizational resources, the poor peasants in the county were not United, and the scale of the land struggle was small. The Communist Party of China carried out agrarian revolution in Maicheng early on and carried out many practices in reforming the traditional economic model and social structure. After the founding of New China, the CPC Aicheng County Party Committee made an overall readjustment of the grass-roots organizations and social structure of rural society through land reform. The bandit and anti-hegemonic movement defeated landlords and civil organizations, and revolutionary cadres replaced the former county and district governors, and became the managers of the faithful implementation of higher policies, and the middle class of Macheng society was replaced. In order to reform the peasants at the lowest level, the county party committee sent land reform teams to every village and, through class struggle propaganda and the organization of poor and employed peasants, gathered a large number of the poorest peasants among the poor peasant associations. Through the struggle between the poor peasants and the landlords, the new regime broke down the old family organizations and transformed the rural society into a small peasant family through the distribution of fields. After land reform, more than 600,000 agricultural population in Macheng County have distributed more than 840000 mu of land, and 360000 poor and employed peasants have turned into masters, with an average share of more than 1 mu of land per person. After the land reform, the original family economy and the family organization disappeared completely, formed the small farmer management pattern based on the individual farmer, the farmer's dispersal greatly deepened. The class struggle in the land reform has formed a new class organization and a new rural political system has been established on this basis. Compared with the former gentry, the new rural elite has a higher degree of recognition of political power. In the struggle of land reform, clan ethics is difficult to continue, the peasants began to form class concept and class identity, people deal with their own social relations by class ownership. At the same time of eliminating families and other non-governmental organizations, class identity integrated the peasants of the whole county into a whole, and the various social conflicts that had plagued the Macheng area for a long time did not appear again. Finally, this paper tries to reflect on the rural social mobilization mechanism and the local characteristics in the process of land reform. The cadres of the land reform are good at starting from the common bitter experience of the peasants at the bottom, sum up the individual contradictions of the peasants as class contradictions, and quickly obtain the broad recognition of the poor and the employed peasants. The intensity of the struggle for land reform in Mecheng is lighter than in the old liberated areas in the north, and heavier than in the south and the border areas. As an old Soviet area, the level of hesitancy of the peasants at the bottom will be heavier than in other areas before the land reform; in the struggle for land reform, The local class struggle in Macheng was advanced deeply, and some excesses were not rectified on a large scale.
【学位授予单位】：中南财经政法大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2017
【分类号】：K27

【参考文献】