湘西苗疆抗战动员研究（1936-1938）
发布时间：2018-11-17 15:17
【摘要】：湘西苗疆地区以“多匪患”广为人知,但是近代以来,这种力量开始有所转型,尤其是在抗日战争时期,国民政府、知识界乃至动乱参与者本身,都有把这种“匪”势转化为卫国战斗力的尝试,都试图通过各种办法将暗藏在湘西的极易形成“匪”因的社会要素降到最低,已经从剿灭、隔离为主的消极对待模式中转变出来,所以,这种情景就完全不同于帝制时期的任何朝代。然而,湘西苗疆民众在进入抗战动员的过程中,仍有不同于其他地区的身份选择,即少数民族的身份将如何进入“中华民族”的视阈中来,而长期的闭塞生存空间内又如何在基层社会中呈现“国家在场”。 鉴于学者们已对中共抗日动员有相当丰硕的研究成果,本文就试图从其他三方面来展开有关抗战时期湘西苗疆社会动员景象的论述。第一章以背景分析法,通过对湘西苗疆帝制时期多个层面的动乱原因进行梳理,指出存在的历史问题未予解决而留有的遗患,但同时归纳出这一地区之所以存在可被动员的社会基础。第二章从革屯事件内部的知识分子层面,考察了在民生至艰且省政府管理多重局限的困境下,其如何进行自我动员,最终从“叛乱的匪”之身份,转变为抗日御侮的国家力量。第三章从知识界的话语传播层面,考察与湘西有关的知识分子和媒体如何通过自身话语,将相对传统的、封闭的苗疆人民带入一种“国家”与“民族”在场的生活环境中,从而在精神层面上推动抗战动员。第四章从湖南省政府的角度分析政府层面的社会动员,由于革屯军代表、知识界最终都要与政府层面发生联系,所以笔者着重分析何键、张治中主导的两届省政府对湘西地区的不同治理模式,并试图对学界中长期以来对何键的消极评判予以突破,笔者认为张治中主湘期间的很多政策会延续何键时期的政治遗产,只是在灵活变通与问题轻重上斟酌有效,在否定中有继承,进而将湘西苗疆的抗战动员推向高潮。 本文的结论是：动员要将“民族主义”与“民权”、“民生”相结合才能有效,不同群体的动员无不围绕这三个层面来展开,但是相互之间的侧重仍有不同。政府层面在所有动员问题上居于主导地位,“三民主义”是否践行有效,成为动员过程中的最重要一环。
[Abstract]:The Miao-jiang area of western Hunan is well known for its "multiple bandits," but since modern times, this force has begun to transform, especially in the period of the Anti-Japanese War, when the national government, intellectuals and even the participants in the turmoil themselves began to transform. There have been attempts to turn this "bandit" force into the fighting capacity of defending the country, and they have tried to minimize the social elements hidden in the west of Hunan that can easily form the "bandit" cause, which has been eliminated from extermination. The segregation-dominated negative treatment model changed, so this situation is completely different from any dynasty during the imperial period. However, in the process of entering the war of resistance and mobilization, the people of Miao-jiang in western Hunan still have their own identity choices different from those in other regions, that is, how the identity of the ethnic minorities will enter the perspective of the "Chinese nation". And the long-term closed living space in the grass-roots society presents a "state presence." In view of the scholars' abundant research results on the mobilization of the Communist Party of China against Japan, this paper attempts to discuss the social mobilization scene of Xiangxi Miajiang during the Anti-Japanese War from the other three aspects. The first chapter by the background analysis, through the Miaojiang Emperor period in Western Hunan to sort out the causes of many levels of unrest, pointing out the existence of historical problems left unsolved, But at the same time, the reason for the existence of this region can be mobilized social basis. In the second chapter, from the intellectual level of the incident of Grayton, the author examines how to mobilize himself under the predicament of people's livelihood to difficult and the provincial government's management more limited, and finally change from the status of "rebel bandits" to the national power of resisting Japan and resisting aggression. The third chapter examines how the intellectuals and media related to Xiangxi bring the relatively traditional and closed Miao-jiang people into a kind of living environment of "state" and "nation" through their own discourse from the level of discourse communication of intellectual circles. In order to promote the spirit of the mobilization of the War of Resistance. The fourth chapter analyzes the social mobilization at the government level from the angle of the Hunan Provincial Government. Because the representatives of the GE Tun Army and the intellectuals will eventually have contact with the government level, the author focuses on what key point. The two provincial governments dominated by Zhang Zhizhong have different governance models in Xiangxi, and try to break through the negative judgment on what key in academic circles for a long time. The author thinks that many policies during the period of Zhang Zhizhong and main Hunan will continue the political heritage of he Jian period. It is only effective in flexibility and importance of problems, inherited in negation, and pushed to the climax of the mobilization of the war of resistance in Xiangxi Miao Xinjiang. The conclusion of this paper is: mobilization must combine "nationalism" with "civil rights" and "people's livelihood" in order to be effective. The mobilization of different groups is carried out around these three levels, but the emphasis on each other is still different. Government plays a leading role in all mobilization issues, and whether the "three people's principles" is effective has become the most important part in the mobilization process.
【学位授予单位】：中国政法大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2014
【分类号】：K26
本文编号：2338281
[Abstract]:The Miao-jiang area of western Hunan is well known for its "multiple bandits," but since modern times, this force has begun to transform, especially in the period of the Anti-Japanese War, when the national government, intellectuals and even the participants in the turmoil themselves began to transform. There have been attempts to turn this "bandit" force into the fighting capacity of defending the country, and they have tried to minimize the social elements hidden in the west of Hunan that can easily form the "bandit" cause, which has been eliminated from extermination. The segregation-dominated negative treatment model changed, so this situation is completely different from any dynasty during the imperial period. However, in the process of entering the war of resistance and mobilization, the people of Miao-jiang in western Hunan still have their own identity choices different from those in other regions, that is, how the identity of the ethnic minorities will enter the perspective of the "Chinese nation". And the long-term closed living space in the grass-roots society presents a "state presence." In view of the scholars' abundant research results on the mobilization of the Communist Party of China against Japan, this paper attempts to discuss the social mobilization scene of Xiangxi Miajiang during the Anti-Japanese War from the other three aspects. The first chapter by the background analysis, through the Miaojiang Emperor period in Western Hunan to sort out the causes of many levels of unrest, pointing out the existence of historical problems left unsolved, But at the same time, the reason for the existence of this region can be mobilized social basis. In the second chapter, from the intellectual level of the incident of Grayton, the author examines how to mobilize himself under the predicament of people's livelihood to difficult and the provincial government's management more limited, and finally change from the status of "rebel bandits" to the national power of resisting Japan and resisting aggression. The third chapter examines how the intellectuals and media related to Xiangxi bring the relatively traditional and closed Miao-jiang people into a kind of living environment of "state" and "nation" through their own discourse from the level of discourse communication of intellectual circles. In order to promote the spirit of the mobilization of the War of Resistance. The fourth chapter analyzes the social mobilization at the government level from the angle of the Hunan Provincial Government. Because the representatives of the GE Tun Army and the intellectuals will eventually have contact with the government level, the author focuses on what key point. The two provincial governments dominated by Zhang Zhizhong have different governance models in Xiangxi, and try to break through the negative judgment on what key in academic circles for a long time. The author thinks that many policies during the period of Zhang Zhizhong and main Hunan will continue the political heritage of he Jian period. It is only effective in flexibility and importance of problems, inherited in negation, and pushed to the climax of the mobilization of the war of resistance in Xiangxi Miao Xinjiang. The conclusion of this paper is: mobilization must combine "nationalism" with "civil rights" and "people's livelihood" in order to be effective. The mobilization of different groups is carried out around these three levels, but the emphasis on each other is still different. Government plays a leading role in all mobilization issues, and whether the "three people's principles" is effective has become the most important part in the mobilization process.
【学位授予单位】：中国政法大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2014
【分类号】：K26
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