印度军事政治随笔

在此期间，核政策是甘地推崇的和平思想和非暴力的最理想选择。尼赫鲁认为印度发展核能是用于和平目的，，并且保证永远不搞核武器，因此印度的核能没有任何威胁性。热爱和平者告诫甘地和尼赫鲁，印度不能生产核武器。尼赫鲁和巴哈巴博士认为印度在能源领域通过开展核能计划能够实现能源的自给自足。尼赫鲁大力支持巴哈巴博士建立印度原子能委员会。因此，尼赫鲁负责铺设技术和科学基础设施，并且在政府的支持下提供了核计划的开放能力。1957年1月，在印度的特朗贝 “仙女”中，开发出了第一座核反应堆，尼赫鲁坚决的否认使用原子能邪恶目的。从尼赫鲁的思想可以得出两个重要结论： 

反对所有类型的核武器的发展。[1]

关于利用原子能来增强印度的意愿和愿望。“印度发展原子能在促进世界和平比发达国家更加重要，例如工业发达的法国”。[2]

The nuclear policy under this period had its origin in Ghandhian tradition and ideal of non-violence. Nehru had a genuine horror of the nuclear menace and believed that India, while developing nuclear energy for peaceful purpose, must never go in for nuclear weapons. Passion for peace exhorted both Gandhi and Nehru to condemn the nuclear program intended for weapon purposes. Nehru and Bhaba had a vision of making India self-reliant in the energy field by launching nuclear energy program. Nehru supported the efforts of Dr Bhaba to establish the Indian Atomic Energy Commission. Nehru thus was responsible for laying the technical and scientific infrastructure, which provided the subsequent governments the ability to keep the nuclear options open. While opening up of India's first nuclear reactor 'Apsara' at Trombay in Jan 1957, Nehru categorically denied to use atomic energy for evil purposes. From Nehru's ideas one can draw two important conclusions: 

Opposed to the development of all types of nuclear weapons. [1] 

The need and desire to enhance India's approach to issues concerning the use of atomic energy. "The rise of atomic energy for peaceful purposes is far more important for India than for a developed country such as France, which is an industrially advanced country." [2] 

The Shastri Period

Shastri understood the linkage of nuclear energy with the socio- economic prosperity for the people of India. At the same time he was committed to the non- military use of nuclear energy. Shastri's modified perspective came after the Chinese atomic explosion in October 1964. His approach towards Chinese nuclear explosion was reflected in two ways: -

Acceleration of the process of building up India's conventional military power.

A gradual shift in the policy on the use of nuclear energy.

Shastri showed a new policy of nuclear flexibility rather than bringing about a radical change from Nehru's policy.

Mrs. Indira Gandhi's Period 1966-77 and 1980-84
Mrs. Gandhi had a tough time in the first few years of her administration. For a while, she continued the search for an effective nuclear guarantee from the super powers. India's decision in not signing the NPT in 1968 was motivated by her interest in the development of the peaceful application of the nuclear energy. She initiated a number of steps to bolster India's nuclear energy program. The launching of the Sarabhai ten-year plan for the advancement of atomic energy and space research and the testing of an underground nuclear explosive in 1974 were definite efforts in this direction. [3] Mrs. Gandhi was determined to make India self- reliant and independent in defence and development. While sensing threat perception in and around the region, she embraced a dual track nuclear policy that implied keeping nuclear weapon option open. This was a fundamental departure from India's much proclaimed single-track policy of utilizing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. When the NPT treaty came for adoption, in spite of heavy pressure from superpowers, Mrs. Gandhi decided against acceding the treaty.

She wanted to make India a regional power that will be treated with great respect by great powers. She said, "India should be free to carry out experiments." In spite of pressure and American condemnation of India's nuclear policy, Mrs. Gandhi often reiterated that the country is fully committed to global disarmament. [4] 

The Rajiv Gandhi Era
During his era, policy makers in New Delhi were increasingly concerned about the Pak's clandestine nuclear weapon activities. Without much deviation from his mother's policy on defence and nuclear field, he lent succour to the scientific R&D to help to build sound technological and scientific infrastructure. He adopted high profile foreign policy dealing with nuclear non- proliferation, global disarmament and integrative economic world order in close cooperation with superpowers. During the period 1987- 90, evidence emerged of Sino - Pak nuclear technology cooperation. He was critical of the US role in bolstering Pakistan's nuclear appetite by providing nuclear weapons. Therefore, India did not signNPT as it would amount to its acceptance as legitimate discrimination in favour of "nuclear haves." [5] India's nuclear policy is revolved around: 

The Rao Era

NarsimahaRao became Prime Minister in June 1991. That time country was wading through unprecedented economic ordeal with low foreign exchange reserve, high inflation and mounting budget deficit. The nuclear policy of Rao Government broadly contained: -

Doing away with the discriminatory character of the NPT.

Initiating positive and vigorous steps, and efforts towards global de-nuclearisation.

Getting rid of weapons of mass destruction by creating the world order based on equality and non - discrimination.

Boosting international consensus on banning of nuclear weapon testing.

Opposing the regional nuclear disarmament.

Preventing the production of fissile materials for weapon purposes.

Favoring the use of nuclear and missile technologies for peaceful and constructive purposes.

Advocating a 'nuclear no first use' agreement to outlaw nuclear weapons and simultaneously launching of multilateral negotiations for nuclear disarmament.

Emergence of Covert Nuclear Environment in the Region
Unconditional and indefinite extension of NPT on the international community by 1995 left India no other option but to go for overt nuclear weaponisation. India's attempt of holding nuclear test in end 1995 was pre-empted by America and was called off. In spite of signing NPT, China continued to assist Pakistan in setting - up a plutonium production reactor at Khushab and transferred M - 11 missiles. USA did not make any concerted attempt to thwart such proliferation thus showing their tilt towards Pakistan and China. In 1998, Pakistan tested Ghauri missile and again the US permissiveness on North Korean proliferation to Pakistan. Under such circumstances, Indian nuclear test became inevitable by the Vajpayee Government in May 1998. The Indian tests were logical on following grounds:-

Pakistani nuclear weapon test verified covert existence of nuclear weapons for the last 11 years.

Focused attention on China's proliferation and permissiveness of USA.

It brought nuclear disarmament and the Asian balance of power to the center stage of international attention.

Emergence of India As A Nuclear Weapons State
The successful conclusion of India's nuclear tests, codenamed Shakti conducted in the second week of May 1998, focused immediate international attention on India. Notwithstanding the fact that Prime Minister Vajpayee's first announcement declaring the successful testing also reiterated India's continued commitment to nuclear disarmament, some officials and media in countries across the globe were quick to criticize a "traditionally peace loving" country for having reneged on its long-held principle of nuclear disarmament. The Indian decision to weaponise its nuclear capability was believed to harbour the potential of triggering off nuclear proliferation and was, therefore, decried for pushing the world away from its goal of becoming nuclear free.

Ever since independence, Indian governments have seized every opportunity in all kinds of fora to press upon the international community the urgent need for universal and time bound nuclear disarmament. Unfortunately, though, success has eluded Indian initiatives because of the ever-strong desire of the Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to cling on to their nuclear armaments for reasons of security and status.

These nuclear tests cannot be accused of having carried either India or the world any further away from nuclear disarmament than the two had always wanted to be. India still maintains a Nuclear Weapons Free World (NWFW) as its cherished objective. It has consistently worked for it and will continue to do so, albeit from a different position now. And perhaps, it can hope to be taken more seriously under the changed circumstances. Meanwhile, the world, and more particularly the five NWS, continue to maintain exactly the same distance from an NWFW as they have themselves chosen to be at. India's nuclear tests could not have pushed them away any further just as India's not having conducted any test for nearly a quarter of a century and its constant appeals for nuclear disarmament could not succeed in bringing them much closer to the goal. [6] 

These nuclear tests cannot be accused of having carried either India or the world any further away from nuclear disarmament than the two had always wanted to be. India still maintains a Nuclear Weapons Free World (NWFW) as its cherished objective. It has consistently worked for it and will continue to do so, albeit from a different position now. And perhaps, it can hope to be taken more seriously under the changed circumstances. Meanwhile, the world, and more particularly the five NWS, continue to maintain exactly the same distance from an NWFW as they have themselves chosen to be at. India's nuclear tests could not have pushed them away any further just as India's not having conducted any test for nearly a quarter of a century and its constant appeals for nuclear disarmament could not succeed in bringing them much closer to the goal.

INDIAN CONCEPTION OF NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION & DISARMAMENT
Nuclear Weapons Against Spirit of Humanity. India's very first articulations on nuclear disarmament after its emergence as a moden nation state provided a unique conceptualization to the term. Indian leaders upheld it not only as a political necessity for ensuring security and peace, but also as a moral imperative. Indian criticism of nuclear weapons was hinged upon their being against the very spirit of humanity. Nehru had said, "In essence today there is a conflict in the world between two things, the atom bomb and what it represents and the spirit of humanity". [7] In order to counter this threat, therefore, India called for efforts to control "the destructive power by the idealism of man's spirit and the wisdom of his mind".

Issue Concerning Mankind. In fact, in Indian perception, the attainment of an NWFW has been extremely essential because it has been linked with survival of the human race. Viewed thus, then, it was not just an abstracIt was much after the end of the Cold War, a draft of Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was finally voted in the UNGA with overwhelming support, in 1996. However, domestic compulsions and other considerations of some nations prevented the CTBT getting universal approval. It was much after the end of the Cold War, a draft of Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was finally voted in the UNGA with overwhelming support, in 1996. However, domestic compulsions and other considerations of some Nations prevented the CTBT getting universal approvalt international problem that had little bearing on India since it did not possess nuclear arms, but was an issue that concerned all mankind. Krishna Menon had once said in this context: "Disarmament is a matter for all nations, great or small, in whatever continent they may be and in whatever climatea

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