汉语后续句中省略结构的神经机制研究

发布时间：2018-07-11 16:39

  本文选题：后续句 + “也是”结构　； 参考：《语言文字应用》2017年02期

【摘要】：汉语并列句后续句中的省略结构是学界关注的热点之一,尤其是对于空宾结构是否属于动词短语省略结构这一问题,学界一直存在很大的争论。本文运用神经电生理学技术,考察“也是”结构、“也+情态动词”结构和空宾结构这三种省略结构的加工机制,实验结果显示,“也+情态动词”结构与“也是”结构和空宾结构所诱发的N400成分和P600成分波幅存在差异,“也是”结构诱发的P600成分波幅大于空宾结构。本文认为,N400成分与省略位置的句法加工有关,P600可能与后期语义句法加工整合等操作有关。实验结果不支持空宾结构是动词短语省略结构的观点,并为“也是”结构属于IP省略结构的观点提供了证据。
[Abstract]:The ellipsis structure in the follow-up sentences of Chinese compound sentences is one of the hot topics in the academic circle, especially the question whether the empty object structure belongs to the verb phrase ellipsis structure, there has been a great debate in the academic circles. In this paper, the processing mechanism of "also is" structure, "also modal verb" structure and empty object structure are investigated by using neuroelectrophysiological technique. The experimental results show that, The amplitude of N400 component and P600 component induced by "also modal verb" and "also" structure and empty object structure are different, and the amplitude of P600 component induced by "also" structure is larger than that of empty object structure. It is suggested that the composition of N400 is related to the syntactic processing of the ellipsis position, and the P600 may be related to the integration of semantic syntactic processing in the later stage. The experimental results do not support the view that the empty object structure is a verb phrase ellipsis structure, and provide evidence for the view that the "yes" structure belongs to the IP ellipsis structure.
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本文编号：2115897