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领土争端对国家间安全与合作的影响:中印关系与印巴关系比较研究(1991-2013)

发布时间:2019-07-06 14:06
【摘要】:本文试图探究领土争端对中印、印巴国家间安全与合作的影响。从历史上讲,中印和印巴的领土争端是殖民时代的遗产,这一遗产已经在双边安全关系与发展前景方面深刻而严峻地影响到上述国家间关系。中印是两大新兴经济体。他们分别是世界上第一和第二人口与劳动力大国。两国拥有广袤的领土和漫长的共有边界。考虑到地理上的临近与各自的规模,两国在多个领域存在双边合作与冲突。与中国、印度一道,巴基斯坦也是一个很重要的地区力量,它虽然在人口和领土规模上不及中印,但是巴基斯坦对两国的影响不容小视。巴基斯坦的战略决定或多或少地受到中印地区战略走向的影响。 自上世纪四十年代末建立现代国家以来,中印巴三国就陷入了领土与边界争端,并导致三国在安全领域的竞争。1962年中印边界战争以后,巴基斯坦便在1963年同中国签署边界协议,以和平友善的方式解决了边界问题。但是,中印与印巴之间的领土冲突依旧存在,这两对关系分别发生的战争严重影响了双边关系。但是,在冷战后特别是一进入新世纪,中印关系重新出现了新的转机。尽管领土问题依旧有待解决,中印已经将精力投入在两国睦邻友好与关系正常化上,而非扩大冲突。这为世界和平带来了一个好兆头,因为中印在经济政治与社会方面都具有影响全球的潜力。 本文从建构主义的视角,特别是从领土争端的角度,分析了中印和印巴关系,并强调阻碍印巴之间的合作中思维、建构出的敌对的口号以及假想敌的作用。从另外一个角度,中印之间这些人为的、单方面的、自我美化的思维,并没有造成那么严重的影响。因此,我们的主要目的是分析在这两对关系中思维的力量在起何种重要性的作用?中印之间在后冷战时代,从“冲突”模式“合作——冲突”模式转变的原因是什么?为什么世界政治的变化以及全球化、开放市场的力量不能对印巴关系产生与中印关系相似的影响?通过建构主义的研究,这些同样变量不同结果的问题得到了较为妥当的解释。 在国际关系中,采取行动的前提是分析现状。而现状具有关于行为体的两大特点:第一是他们自身的身份及利益,这些可以反映出他们在面对现状时的状态;第二是他们对其他行为体行为的预判,而这些又决定了他们对敌对行为体身份和利益的认定。以印巴两国内生性的具有对抗性的历史遗产以及长期以来冲突的身份为基础,通过创造一种怀疑与误解的气氛,印巴两国的双边关系是显而易见的。论文的解释框架是基于如下观点:印巴之间不断变化的认同,,正处于一个冲突的秩序中,这是因为其双边关系因为领土争端对国家间安全与合作的决策过程造成的严重后果而不能产生聚合力。对于印巴两国的双边关系,其现状是由行为体自身的身份与利益,以及行为体对其他行为体身份与利益的理解决定的。 建构主义解释了中印之间展开合作的过程中有关于身份和利益的观念的力量,尽管领土争端很难解决但是这是可以管控的。中印之间的低政治,例如在贸易与全球治理方面,带来的频繁的会晤凭借着其较轻的复杂性,成为了两国合作的促进性因素。而这一现象在印巴之间貌似并不能行得通,关于恐怖主义、孟买事件、两国之间信息互联以及商业领域谈判,巴基斯坦认为如果不解决克什米尔问题,这些问题是不能接受的。 本文揭示了中印关系解冻背后的原因主要是两国在国家利益、愿景、现状与对未来的展望方便不断互相靠近。同样地,国内的需求也促使两国站在避免发生冲突的同一立场。许多其他因素,比如处于发展中国家的状态、国家认同与经济增长使中印面临着相同的处境。同样重要的是,除了1962年战争,中印之间没有历史包袱。而巴基斯坦却与印度没有持续的和平,并蓄意诉诸暴力。两国之间双边的敌对状态受到激进因素的推动,他们对战争与仇恨从来没有厌倦。 印巴的领土争端很大程度上源于英国统治被过于草率地从印度驱离。英国统治给两个临近国家留下了克什米尔这样一个难题。因此,自从两国成为现代民族国家后,印巴在卡尔吉尔进行了三次全面战争和一次有限战争,并发现其自身正处于一个安全悖论中。进一步研究发现,两国都意识到了领土争端的具有伤害性的僵局,但是伴随着历史痛苦记忆的信任赤字使两国关系停滞不前。1997年,巴基斯坦新政权上台后,开始恢复对话进程(CDP),并在1998年印巴两国分别进行了核试验后签署了拉合尔宣言,但是由于两国根深蒂固的认同冲突,两国关系并没有什么进展。除此之外,随着21世纪到来,两国恢复关系的新的努力在进行着,阿格拉峰会显现出一些希望,但并没有什么实际进展。 见证了连年不断的对抗与竞争,CDP在2004年再一次重启,建立了一些信任建立措施(CBM’s),启动了二轨外交,并且加强了民众之间的联系以重新利用公民社会之间沟通的积极角色,这一角色曾经被2008年11月的孟买危机所破坏。持续并加剧印巴领土争端以及两国正面冲突的根源是共同的殖民历史、可以追溯至穆斯林入侵的痛苦的历史记忆,激进的宗教,以及相互冲突的国家认同。所有这些因素造成了印巴两国持久的对抗,由于两国没有进行关系正常化和恢复邦交,两国一直没有建立统一立场。 值得注意的是,中印两国在成为主权国家之初就显露出友好的双边关系,“中印两国亲如兄弟”(Hindi-Cheeni bhai bhai)回荡在亚洲地区,但是及至1950年代中,受到领土问题的影响,两国由友好转变为敌对。两国都尝试解决这一问题,但是很不幸的是,当时的环境并不允许两国这么做。于是,最终爆发了1961年中印边界战争,为两国对抗打下了基础。但是尽管领土争端在持续,两国间的敌意与敌对性的竞争关系并不能取代两国合作的潜质,两国间也已在多项议题上达成一致,为两国之间的合作提供一个发展的机会。 结论部分,文章指出,后冷战时代中印关系见证了一个面向未来的融冰的进程——英吉拉·甘地访华期间,确定了将领土问题置于两国间事务的次要地位。这里有必要强调的是,中国和印度拥有领土争端的原因是这些领土争端涉及到本文所讨论的安全问题,但是中印之间的领土争端的正面冲突烈度并没有印巴之间强烈,因为中印两国在政治、外交、经济、军事、防务与多边对话等领域确实存在合作。相比之下,由于统一权力的真空,印巴一直忽视两国的地区利益与合作,两国陷入了复杂的安全迷局,并用冲突、不信任、怀疑和恐惧的思维建构对方的形象。对于印度,历史的开伯尔综合征抵制任何制造和平的单边主义行动,而对于巴基斯坦,安全困境阻止了其消除对印度的悲观情绪。
[Abstract]:This paper attempts to explore the effect of territorial dispute on security and cooperation between China and India and between the two countries. Historically, the territorial disputes between China and India and India and Pakistan are the legacy of the colonial era, which has a profound and severe impact on the inter-State relations in the context of bilateral security and development prospects. China and India are two emerging economies. They are the world's first and second population and labor power, respectively. The two countries have a vast territory and a long common border. The two countries have bilateral cooperation and conflict in many fields, taking into account the geographical proximity and their respective size. Pakistan, together with China and India, is also an important regional force, which, though not as large as China and India in terms of population and territory, is incumbent upon Pakistan to influence the two countries. Pakistan's strategic decision is more or less affected by the strategic direction of the China-India region. Since the establishment of the modern state in the late 1940s, the three countries of China and Pakistan have been in the territory and the border dispute, and have led to the three countries' competition in the security field. After the 1962 border war, Pakistan signed a border association with China in 1963. In a peaceful and friendly way, the border question was settled However, the conflict between China and India is still in existence, and the war between the two pairs of relations has seriously affected the bilateral close. However, after the cold war, especially in the new century, the Sino-Indian relations have a new turn. China and India have devoted its energy to the normalization of good-neighborly and friendly relations between the two countries, not the expansion of the two countries, despite the fact that the problem remains to be solved. The process has brought about a good sign for world peace, as China and India have a potential for global potential in both the economic and social aspects This paper analyzes the relations between China and India from the perspective of constructivism, especially from the angle of territorial dispute, and emphasizes the obstacles to the thinking, the construction of the hostile slogans and the false thought of the enemy in the cooperation between the two countries. From another point of view, these man-made, unilateral, self-glorified thinking between China and India is not as serious as that. So, our main purpose is to analyze the importance of the power of thinking in these two pairs of relationships The role of China and India in the post-cold-war era, the reason for the transition from the "conflict"-mode "Cooperation _ Conflict" mode What is that? Why is the change of the world politics and the globalization of the world, the strength of the open market cannot be similar to the Sino-Indian relationship The effect of the different results of these same variables is more appropriate through the study of constructivism an explanation of action. In international relations, the premise of taking action The present situation has two main characteristics: first is their own identity and interests, which can reflect their status in the face of the present situation, and the second is their prejudgement on the behavior of other actors, which in turn determine their identity and identity to the hostile actors. The determination of the interests of the two countries is based on the historical heritage of the two countries and the identity of the long-term conflict, and by creating a climate of suspicion and misunderstanding, the two countries have bilateral relations. It is clear that the framework for the interpretation of the paper is based on the view that the ever-changing identity between India and Pakistan is in a conflict order because of the serious consequences of the territorial dispute over the decision-making process of security and cooperation among States The status quo of the bilateral relations between the two countries is the identity and interests of the actors themselves, as well as the identity and interests of the actors to other actors. Understanding the decision. The constructivism explains the power of the concept of identity and interests in the process of cooperation between China and India, although the territorial dispute is hard to solve, This is manageable. The low politics between China and India, for example, in the area of trade and global governance, have brought together frequent meetings with the light complexity of the two countries -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The issue is unacceptable. The reason behind the unfreezing of Sino-Indian relations is the two countries' national interests, vision, current situation and future exhibition. In the same way, domestic demand has also prompted the two countries to stand in a position to avoid The same position of conflict. Many other factors, such as the status of developing countries, national identity and economic growth, This is the same situation. It is also important that, in addition to the 1962 war, There is no historical burden between India and India, and Pakistan is not consistent with India. The state of hostility between the two countries has been driven by radical factors, and they are in war with the war hatred has never been fed up. The territorial dispute between India and Pakistan is largely due to British rule To drive out of India over the grass. The British rule left two neighbouring countries. This is a difficult problem in Kashmir. As a result, since the two countries have become a modern nation, India and Pakistan have carried out three full-scale wars and a limited war in Calciel, and found it self-evident The two countries are in a safe paradox. Further studies have found that both countries are aware of the nociceptive impasse in the territorial dispute, but the trust deficit accompanying the painful memory of history has stalled the relations between the two countries. In 1997, after the new regime in Pakistan came to power, it began. The resumption of the dialogue process (CDP) and the signing of the Lahore Declaration after the nuclear tests conducted by the two countries in 1998, but as a result of the deep-rooted identity conflicts between the two countries, In addition, with the arrival of the 21st century, the new efforts of the two countries to resume their relations have been in progress, and the Aguela summit is showing some hope But there's no real progress. It's been a witness of an ever-growing confrontation and competition. CDP has been restarted in 2004, and a number of confidence-building measures (CBM's) have been set up, two-track diplomacy has been launched, and contacts between the people have been strengthened for reuse The positive role of communication between civil society, which has been 200 The destruction of the Mumbai crisis in November of August. The persistence and intensification of the dispute between the two countries and the root causes of the two-State conflict are the common colonial history, which can be traced back to the historical memory of the suffering of the Muslim invasion and the radical All of these factors have led to a lasting confrontation between the two countries and the normalization of relations and the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The two countries have not established a unified stand. It is worth noting that the two countries have shown friendly bilateral relations at the beginning of a sovereign state, and that the "The two countries of China and India are brothers" (Hindi-Cheni bhai) is in the region, but in the 1950s, the two countries were asked by the Territory. The two countries have both tried to solve the problem, but it is unfortunate that the two countries try to solve the problem. At that time, the circumstances did not allow the two countries to do so. Then, the two countries finally broke out of China and India in 1961 "The border war has laid the foundation for the confrontation between the two countries, but the two countries have agreed on a number of issues, even though the territorial dispute is continuing and the hostile and hostile competition between the two countries cannot replace the potential for cooperation between the two countries." The paper points out that the relationship between the post-cold-war era and the post-cold-war era has witnessed the process of a future-oriented ice-melting process. It is necessary to stress that the territorial disputes between China and India are related to the security issues discussed in this article, but the positive impact of the territorial dispute between China and India is not strong between India and Pakistan. The two countries are in the political, diplomatic, economic, military, In contrast, as a result of the vacuum of the unified authority, the two countries have been ignoring the regional interests and cooperation of the two countries, and the two countries are in a complex security and confusion, and they are not convinced by the conflict To construct the image of the other by the thought of any, doubt, and fear. For India, the history of the open-edge syndrome is a resistance to any unilateralism in the manufacture of peace, and for Pakistan, Ann
【学位授予单位】:吉林大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2015
【分类号】:D822.335.1;D835.3

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1 葛汉文;;印度的地缘政治思想[J];世界经济与政治论坛;2013年05期

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1 韦健锋;现实主义视角下的邻国外交[D];云南大学;2013年

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1 曾信凯;中国崛起视野下的“印度洋困境”探析[D];华东师范大学;2013年

2 谭轶;外商直接投资对广东省能源消费影响的实证分析[D];暨南大学;2012年

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4 卢时旭;中印崛起对韩国的影响及对策研究[D];复旦大学;2013年



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