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1949年新中国成立之际到朝鲜战争爆发美国对台政策研究

发布时间:2018-08-05 11:56
【摘要】:在美国对台湾政策的演变问题上,史学界一般倾向于按时间段十分明确的划分出美国政策演变的各个阶段,并探讨各个阶段具体不同的政策以及该政策出台的原因和造成的影响。台湾问题开始牵扯到中美双方,需要追溯到二战之后,尤其是中国内战爆发后,1948年春美国开始考虑将台湾问题从大陆问题分离出去。至此,美国,中国共产党,中国国民党以及苏联之间复杂的关系,以及中国革命的成功,朝鲜战争的爆发等重大事件,都是造成台湾问题遗留至今的源头所在。1949年中国革命成功前后到1950年6月朝鲜战争爆发,美国对台湾政策发生的变化,一般认为是经历了一个从“不干涉”、“与沉船拉开距离”到用武力公开“干涉”的转变,两种政策有两个标志性的事件,1950年1月5日杜鲁门发表一项声称尊重中国领土主权完整,遵守《开罗宣言》中所确定的对台湾所持的立场,不干涉中国内政的声明,这作为美国从台湾的“脱身政策”的标志,1950年6月25日朝鲜战争爆发,两天后第七舰队就接到来自杜鲁门总统的命令,进入台湾海峡,使台湾“中立化”,这一事件则被视为美国向“干涉”台湾政策转变的标志。 本文从1948年秋中国内战形势发生变化这一时期开始,对美国的对华政策,尤其是在这一背景下的美国对台政策着手探讨,重点考察美国在新中国成立前夕到朝鲜战争爆发美国对台湾政策的重大转变。其中问题的关键是朝鲜战争的爆发是不是美国对台政策的转折点,还是说朝鲜战争为美国提供了一个契机,使美国重新回到延续其固有台湾政策的道路上,或者直接说,是朝鲜战争使干涉台湾的政策从暗处走向了明处。 本文正文分为五个部分: 首先是绪论部分。主要介绍了本文的选题目的和选题意义,国内外相关问题的研究现状,以及本文的研究方法和研究思路。 第一章:台湾问题是中国内战的遗留问题,也是美国对华政策的重要组成部分,因此第一章对抗战后期到新中国成立前夕美国的对华政策进行较为系统的阐述,从“扶蒋反共”到抢救“沉船”再到与“沉船”拉开距离,美国每一步政策的变化都是国际形势和中国国共形势变化的结果,也直接影响了美国的台湾政策的制定。本章第三节对这一时期美国的台湾政策进行系统阐述,这也是美国对台政策由来的起点所在。 第二章:新中国成立前后到朝鲜战争爆发前的美国对台政策。这一部分是本文的重点章节。这一时期美国的对台政策呈现出来一定的摇摆不定和复杂性。杜鲁门最终发表一个声明,宣称不干涉中国内政,承认台湾是中国的一部分。但本文认为这个声明并不一定代表美国政府的真实意图,首先声明本身就为以后可能出现的变数埋下伏笔,其次杜鲁门声明发表之后美国仍然继续对台湾国民党政权的援助,表明美国并未真正从台湾“撒手”,表面看,杜鲁门确实明确表示要从中国脱身,不干涉台湾,但是不公开干涉并不表示放弃台湾。杜鲁门声明的发表是许多原因造成的,除了美国国内激烈的争吵之外,国际层面上,美国担心苏联的介入,并引起中国仇视美国的民族主义情绪,美台双边关系事实上也存在一些矛盾,加之那时候的中国人民解放军也不具备解放台湾的实力等。 第三章:朝鲜战争爆发后的美国对台政策,主要是杜鲁门执政时期。朝鲜战争爆发后,美国对台干涉政策公开化。美国将第七舰队开进台湾海峡,使得台湾“中立化”,阻止中国人民解放台湾,同时也阻止蒋介石反攻大陆;另外在台湾主权归属问题上,美国的立场明显出现倒退,抛出“台湾主权未定论”。美国这么做主要是出于惧怕和遏制共产主义的需要,出于国家安全考虑,美国绝不允许台湾落入共产党之手。同时美国国内兴起的麦卡锡主义,对杜鲁门政府的对华政策进行批评,这也导致主张对共产主义表示强硬的一派取得话语权。 最后一部分是余论。在这个部分,作者进一步阐述美国出于战略意义的考虑是没有也不会放弃台湾。因为台湾对于美国具备很重要的战略意义和意识形态意义,美国会一直与中国大打台湾牌。另外作者还得出了三个结论,一是政策手段的变化并不代表政策目标的变化;二是在考量美国对台政策的复杂性时,不可忽略美台这组关系,他们之间并不是铁板一块,事实上蒋介石与美国在许多问题上的立场都存在一定的矛盾;三是关于朝鲜战争是美国对台政策的转折点这个问题上,本文认为与其是转折点,不如说是一个契机,一个美国想要转变酝酿多时的对台政策的契机。在本文的最后,是对台湾问题的解决,最终实现全中国统一提出了三点展望。
[Abstract]:On the issue of the evolution of the Taiwan policy in the United States, the historians generally tend to define the various stages of the evolution of the United States policy in a very clear time period, and discuss the specific policies at various stages and the reasons and effects of the policy. The Taiwan issue has begun to lead to the two sides of the United States and the United States, which should be traced back to the Second World War, especially after the Second World War. After the outbreak of the civil war in China, the United States began to consider the separation of Taiwan from the continental issue in the spring of 1948. At this point, the complex relations between the United States, the Communist Party of China, the Chinese Kuomintang and the Soviet Union, the success of the Chinese revolution, the outbreak of the Korean War and other major events were the source of the origin of the Taiwan problem to the present time,.1949 In June 1950, the Korean War broke out before and after the success of the Chinese revolution. The change in American policy on Taiwan was generally considered to be a transition from "non-interference" to "the distance from the wreck" to the open "interference" by force. There were two landmark events in the two policies. In January 5, 1950, Truman published a claim of respect. The sovereignty of China is full of sovereignty, the declaration of the position held in the Cairo declaration and the non interference in the internal affairs of China, as set out in the Cairo declaration, is the symbol of the "escape policy" from Taiwan. In June 25, 1950, the Korean War broke out, and the seventh fleet received the order from President Truman to enter the Taiwan Straits and make Taiwan into the Taiwan Straits. "Neutralization" is seen as a sign that the United States has changed its policy of "interfering" with Taiwan.
Beginning with the change of the Chinese civil war in the autumn of 1948, this paper begins with the policy of the United States to China, especially in this context, and focuses on the major changes in the United States' policy on Taiwan in the United States in the Korean War on the eve of the founding of new China. The key to the issue is the outbreak of the Korean War. Is it a turning point in American policy towards Taiwan, or is it that the Korean War has provided an opportunity for the United States to return to the road to the continuation of its inherent Taiwan policy, or, directly, that the Korean War has led to the policy of interference in Taiwan from the dark to the clear.
The text of this article is divided into five parts:
The first part is the introduction part, which mainly introduces the purpose and significance of the topic, the current research status of related issues at home and abroad, and the research methods and research ideas of this article.
Chapter 1: the question of Taiwan is a legacy of the Chinese civil war and an important part of the American policy towards China. So the first chapter is a systematic exposition of the American policy on China on the eve of the late Anti Japanese War and the eve of the founding of new China, from "helping Chiang Chiang anti Communist" to "salvaging" "wreck" and "sinking ship" to the "sinking ship", and every step of the United States. The change of the policy is the result of the international situation and the changes in the situation of China's Kuomintang and the Communist Party. It also directly affects the formulation of Taiwan policy in the United States. The third section of this chapter gives a systematic exposition of the Taiwan policy of the United States in this period, which is the starting point of the origin of the American policy on Taiwan.
The second chapter: the United States policy to Taiwan before and after the founding of the Korean War before and after the founding of the new China. This part is the key chapter of this article. In this period, the American policy on Taiwan presented a certain swing and complexity. Truman finally issued a statement declaring that it did not interfere in China's internal affairs, and that Taiwan was part of China. The statement does not necessarily represent the true intentions of the United States government. It first declares itself for the future possible variables, followed by Truman's statement that the United States continued to help the Kuomintang regime in Taiwan, indicating that the United States did not really "give up" from Taiwan. On the surface, Truman did clearly express it. To get out of China and not interfere in Taiwan, but not to interfere in public intervention does not mean to give up Taiwan. The publication of the Truman statement is caused by many reasons. In addition to the fierce domestic quarrel in the United States, the United States is worried about the Soviet intervention and causes China to hate the American nationalism, and the bilateral relations between the United States and Taiwan actually exist. Some contradictions and the PLA did not have the strength to liberate Taiwan at that time.
The third chapter: after the outbreak of the Korean War, the American policy on Taiwan was mainly the period of Truman's ruling. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the American interference policy was open. The United States opened the seventh fleet into the Taiwan Strait, made Taiwan "neutralized", prevented the Chinese people from liberating Taiwan, and also prevented Jiang Jieshi from counterattack on the mainland in the same time; in addition, the Taiwan owners were also in the Taiwan. On the issue of ownership, the American position was obviously retrogression, and the "Taiwan sovereignty unsettled" was thrown out. The United States did so mainly out of fear and containment of communism. For national security, the United States would never allow Taiwan to fall into the hands of the Communist Party. At the same time, the Mccarthy doctrine in the United States and the administration of the Truman administration to the government of the United States. Policy criticism also led to advocating a strong voice for communism.
The last part is Yu. In this part, the author further states that America's strategic consideration is not and will not give up Taiwan. Because Taiwan has a very important strategic and ideological significance to the United States, the United States will always play Taiwan with China. The others have reached three conclusions, one is policy means. The change does not represent the change of the policy goal; two is that when examining the complexity of the US policy to Taiwan, the relationship between the United States and Taiwan should not be ignored, which is not a piece of iron. In fact, there is a certain contradiction between Jiang Jieshi and the United States on many issues; the three is that the Korean War is the turning point of the US policy to Taiwan. On this issue, this article thinks that it is a turning point rather than an opportunity for the United States to change the opportunity to develop a multi time policy to Taiwan. At the end of this article, it is a three point prospect for the settlement of the Taiwan problem and the final realization of the unification of the whole China.
【学位授予单位】:南京大学
【学位级别】:硕士
【学位授予年份】:2012
【分类号】:D871.2

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