拉丁美洲区域发展中的中国因素研究：2001-2015
发布时间：2018-09-11 11:47
【摘要】：自从中国加入世界贸易组织以来,中国与拉丁美洲之间的经济贸易关系成倍数增长。数据显示,在2000至2014年间,中国已经跃升为继美国之后拉丁美洲和加勒比地区第二大贸易伙伴。该区域向中国出口额占总出口额的比例从1%增长至9%,而进口额则从2%扩大到16%。在过去的这些年中,中国与拉丁美洲关系蓬勃发展,这在很大程度上得益于中国对该地区丰富自然资源的需求不断增加。如此快速及特殊的贸易增长先后引起了各种议论和意见,如「中国崛起」和「中国威胁论」,后者在美国学界领域特别受欢迎。美国不论从拉丁美洲的地理位置还是政治地位上来说,都是一个举足轻重的身份。拉美—美国—中国之间的三角关系随着2001年中国加入世贸组织(WTO)而受到了影响,比如,中国也因此成为了北美贸易协定的"第四"成员国。中国出口的活力也从这一时刻开始在北美贸易协定内部出现了下降趋势。中国在拉美地区的活动并不像其在非洲的角色那样得到重视,在学界,尽管相关文摘数量在增长,但仍然十分有限。而,有关中国在该地区的经济与政治影响方面的争论——尤其是对于中国是否会挑战美国在该地区霸权的讨论——日渐增加。由于拉丁美洲大多数国家对美国十分依赖,在国外文摘研究中,拉丁美洲通常被认为是中美权利关系中的一个第三者,故忽视了拉丁美洲各国的特殊与差别之处。因此,本研究试图从拉丁美洲的角度来探讨:近年来中拉经济关系的双边活动,并强调中国在某些拉丁美洲国家中,较为活跃的活动所直接或间接引起的变化。本研究主要包括以下三种观点:第一,目前,中国与拉美国家的关系中,与墨西哥的关系可能是最艰难的,部分原因是墨西哥与中国之间巨大的贸易逆差。墨西哥并不像巴西或智利那样向中国出口大量原材料,同时墨西哥还将中国视为其向美国等第三方市场出口的强劲对手。所有的这一切都导致了中国和墨西哥之间的紧张关系,第二,拉美国家之间的贸易相互依存度并不高。以区域内出口贸易额占其对外贸易总额的比重为例,拉美区内国家贸易依存度未及20%,南共市更是低于这一平均值,远低于北美自贸区和东盟将近50%的水平。因此,随着该地区从中国进口货物的大大增加,在一定程度上取代了某些美洲国家之间的出口,如巴西和阿根廷。虽然这一趋势存在着,目前似乎没有一个拉美国家对中国有短期,中期或长期的清楚的策略。第三,中国对拉美的影响不仅包括经济上的,还包括政治上的,如巴西。20世纪90年代以来,通过组建南方共同市场,推动南美洲国家区域合作和一体化进程,巴西外交在地区层次上的政策实践进入前所未有的活跃时期,地区维度也已成为巴西整个国际战略的重要支柱之一。近年来,巴西的追求和实践呈现为一种温和、软性的形式和风格,即在保证自身核心利益的同时,明确为其他南美国家预留实现自身利益的空间。这种巧妙运用权力的方式被称为"共识型霸权";"共识型霸权"指导下的巴西地区战略,在其动态演变过程中有被邻国认可、部分接受、完全拒绝等不同情况,但在国际舞台上,巴西在与中国合作的过程中,取得地区性大国的正当性地位和认可,来实现其外交政策。当然,上述的例子不能说完全是由中国所引起的,但是,在一定程度上,对拉美地区近年来的发展趋势上确实起了不可忽视的作用。
[Abstract]:Economic and trade relations between China and Latin America have multiplied since China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Data show that between 2000 and 2014, China has jumped to the second largest trading partner in Latin America and the Caribbean after the United States. Over the past few years, China's relations with Latin America have flourished, thanks in large part to China's growing demand for the region's rich natural resources. Such rapid and special trade growth has sparked various debates and opinions, such as "China's rise" and "China's threat." The latter is particularly popular in American academic circles. The United States is a pivotal position in both Latin America's geographic and political position. The triangular relationship between Latin America and the United States and China was affected by China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, for example, China became North America as a result. China's activities in Latin America are not as important as its role in Africa. In academia, although the number of relevant abstracts is increasing, they are still very limited. Debates over the economic and political implications of the region, especially about whether China will challenge U.S. hegemony in the region, are growing. Therefore, this study attempts to explore, from a Latin American perspective, the bilateral activities of Sino-Latin American economic relations in recent years and to highlight the changes directly or indirectly caused by China's more active activities in some Latin American countries. Mexico does not export large quantities of raw materials to China as Brazil or Chile does, and Mexico sees China as a strong competitor for its exports to third-party markets such as the United States. All this has led to tensions between China and Mexico. Second, trade interdependence between Latin American countries is not high. For example, the proportion of intra-regional exports to their total foreign trade is less than 20% of Latin American countries'trade dependence. MERCOSUR is even lower than this average, far lower than the North American Free Trade Area and the North American Free Trade Area. ASEAN is close to 50%. As the region imports more goods from China, exports from some American countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have been replaced to some extent. Although this trend exists, it seems that no Latin American country has a clear strategy for China in the short, medium or long term. The impact on Latin America is not only economic, but also political, such as Brazil. Since the 1990s, Brazilian diplomacy has entered an unprecedented period of active policy practice at the regional level through the formation of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the promotion of regional cooperation and integration among South American countries. The regional dimension has also become the whole country of Brazil. In recent years, Brazil's pursuit and practice has taken on a mild, soft form and style, that is, while guaranteeing its own core interests, it has clearly reserved space for other South American countries to realize its own interests. This clever use of power is called "consensus hegemony"; under the guidance of "consensus hegemony" In the course of its dynamic evolution, Brazil's regional strategy has been recognized, partially accepted and totally rejected by its neighbours. But in the international arena, Brazil has acquired the legitimate status and recognition of regional powers in the process of cooperation with China in order to realize its foreign policy. Of course, the above examples can not be said to be entirely cited by China. However, to a certain extent, it has played an important role in the development trend of Latin America in recent years.
【学位授予单位】：南京大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2017
【分类号】：D822.373
本文编号：2236605
[Abstract]:Economic and trade relations between China and Latin America have multiplied since China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Data show that between 2000 and 2014, China has jumped to the second largest trading partner in Latin America and the Caribbean after the United States. Over the past few years, China's relations with Latin America have flourished, thanks in large part to China's growing demand for the region's rich natural resources. Such rapid and special trade growth has sparked various debates and opinions, such as "China's rise" and "China's threat." The latter is particularly popular in American academic circles. The United States is a pivotal position in both Latin America's geographic and political position. The triangular relationship between Latin America and the United States and China was affected by China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, for example, China became North America as a result. China's activities in Latin America are not as important as its role in Africa. In academia, although the number of relevant abstracts is increasing, they are still very limited. Debates over the economic and political implications of the region, especially about whether China will challenge U.S. hegemony in the region, are growing. Therefore, this study attempts to explore, from a Latin American perspective, the bilateral activities of Sino-Latin American economic relations in recent years and to highlight the changes directly or indirectly caused by China's more active activities in some Latin American countries. Mexico does not export large quantities of raw materials to China as Brazil or Chile does, and Mexico sees China as a strong competitor for its exports to third-party markets such as the United States. All this has led to tensions between China and Mexico. Second, trade interdependence between Latin American countries is not high. For example, the proportion of intra-regional exports to their total foreign trade is less than 20% of Latin American countries'trade dependence. MERCOSUR is even lower than this average, far lower than the North American Free Trade Area and the North American Free Trade Area. ASEAN is close to 50%. As the region imports more goods from China, exports from some American countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have been replaced to some extent. Although this trend exists, it seems that no Latin American country has a clear strategy for China in the short, medium or long term. The impact on Latin America is not only economic, but also political, such as Brazil. Since the 1990s, Brazilian diplomacy has entered an unprecedented period of active policy practice at the regional level through the formation of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the promotion of regional cooperation and integration among South American countries. The regional dimension has also become the whole country of Brazil. In recent years, Brazil's pursuit and practice has taken on a mild, soft form and style, that is, while guaranteeing its own core interests, it has clearly reserved space for other South American countries to realize its own interests. This clever use of power is called "consensus hegemony"; under the guidance of "consensus hegemony" In the course of its dynamic evolution, Brazil's regional strategy has been recognized, partially accepted and totally rejected by its neighbours. But in the international arena, Brazil has acquired the legitimate status and recognition of regional powers in the process of cooperation with China in order to realize its foreign policy. Of course, the above examples can not be said to be entirely cited by China. However, to a certain extent, it has played an important role in the development trend of Latin America in recent years.
【学位授予单位】：南京大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2017
【分类号】：D822.373
【参考文献】
相关期刊论文 前1条
1 张森根;;关于拉丁美洲多样性的思考[J];西南科技大学学报(哲学社会科学版);2014年06期
，本文编号：2236605
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