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1969—1972年中美缓和进程研究

发布时间:2018-03-31 00:17

  本文选题:中美缓和 切入点:尼克松政府 出处:《华东师范大学》2007年博士论文


【摘要】: 经历22年的对抗之后,在20世纪60年代末、70年代初的国际国内环境影响下,中美两国政府都希望通过改善彼此之间的关系,来改善各自当时身处的国内外局面。对于美国尼克松政府来说,与中国改善关系,就短期而言,有利于在美国推行“越南化”政策、从“越战脱身”的同时,通过利用中国与苏联之间日益尖锐的矛盾,防范其中任何一方乘机填补美国在远东地区留下的战略真空;就长远来说,则是在世界多极化势不可阻挡的背景下,积极参与这一历史进程的塑造,争取使未来出现的多极化格局对美国较为有利。以毛泽东、周恩来为代表的中国党和国家领导人之所以主张与美国和解,主要是在内有“文革”之乱、外有苏联之患的环境下,企图利用超级大国之间的矛盾改善中国的安全环境,也就是实行“联美制苏”的战略。 虽然中美两国政府存在改善关系的上述动力,但两国政府在缓和道路上却面临着一大堆障碍,主要表现在四个方面:一是由于两国长期处于敌对状态,两国人民之间的隔阂、两国当权者之间的猜忌防范之心,都不可能朝夕之间得以消除;二是中美长期敌对状态还造就了一批利益相关者,如聚拢在两国周围的盟国和其他“志同道合”的国际政治势力,不少这类盟友因为自身利益的缘故,宁愿中美目前这种敌对的关系维持下去;三是认为自身利益受到中美缓和损害的苏联,毫无疑问会利用自己巨大的国际影响力,千方百计阻挠和破坏这一进程;四是两国当权者的政敌们可以利用两国民众之间的隔阂、盟国的不满、苏联的破坏以及当权者处置这些矛盾的失当,来削弱当权者的威信和权力,,达到其为自身政治利益服务的目的。由此决定,缓和进程不会一帆风顺。 上述因素的存在,决定了缓和进程不会一帆风顺。 面对这些挑战,中美领导人都力求在缓和进程中尽可能减少自己的政治风险,同时推动国家利益的实现。为此,他们必须做到:一、避免缓和政策在国内被等同于无原则的妥协政策;二、避免缓和政策在各自阵营中被等同于对盟国的背叛政策:三、避免缓和政策被苏联人理解为建立反苏同盟的政策;四、避免缓和对象利用自己的缓和意愿,在缓和进程中牵着自己鼻子走。上述考虑,始终影响着中美双方领导人在寻求改善两国关系过程中的行为,支配着双方的互动方式、谈判重点以及为妥协设置的底线,从源头上塑造了日后中美关系“和平共处”、“求同存异”的基本特征。 本文以近10年来美国方面陆续解密的相关政府外交档案为主要依据,以1969——1972年中美两国政府在缓和进程中如何看待和处理上述矛盾为中心议题,通过重点考察两国政府在1969年中苏边界冲突、第135、136次中美大使级会谈、乒乓外交、尼克松访华等事件中的种种表现,以及各利益攸关方对于这些表现的种种反应,为深入理解中美缓和这一历史事件以及中美关系的本质,提供些许心得。
[Abstract]:After 22 years of fighting, at the end of 1960s, the beginning of the 70s international and domestic environment under the influence of both China and the United States hopes to improve the relationship between each other, to improve their time in the domestic and international situation. For the Nixon administration, and China improved relations, the short term, is conducive to the implementation of the "Vietnamization" policy in the United States, from "the escape" at the same time, through the use of the contradiction between the Chinese and the Soviet Union, to prevent any one of them to fill the vacuum left in the Far East Strategy of America; it is long, the multi polarization of the world irresistible background, shaping actively participate in this the course of history, and strive to make multi polarization pattern in the future is more favorable to the United States. With Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai as the representative of the China party and state leaders advocated reconciliation with the United States, the main If all of the "Cultural Revolution" of the chaos, outside the Soviet Union with the environment, to improve the security environment Chinese by contradiction between the superpowers, also is the implementation of "Deng Su" strategy.
Although the United States government the power to improve relations between the two governments, but at ease road is facing a number of obstacles, mainly in four aspects: one is because of the long-term in a state of hostility, estrangement between the two peoples, between the two countries in the prevention of heart envy, could not be a day. The two is eliminated; Sino US long-term hostilities have created a number of stakeholders, such as the two countries gathered around the allies and other "like-minded" international political forces, many of these allies because of their own interests because of the current Sino US rather hostile relationship maintained; the three is that the interests are damage to Sino American detente the Soviet Union, no doubt will use their huge international influence, to obstruct and undermine the process; the four is between the leaders of the two countries can use two political opponents The estrangement among the people, the discontent of the allies, the failure of the Soviet Union and the mishandling of these contradictions by the authorities in order to weaken the prestige and power of the authorities and achieve their purpose of serving their own political interests, thus deciding that the mitigation process will not be smooth sailing.
The existence of these factors determines that the moderated process will not be smooth.
In the face of these challenges, both Chinese and American leaders in an effort to ease in the process as much as possible to reduce its own political risk, and promote the realization of national interests. Therefore, they must do: first, to avoid the policy of detente is equated to unprincipled compromise policy in China; two, to avoid corrosion and policy is equivalent to the betrayal in policy each camp: three, to avoid policy easing by the Soviets understand for the establishment of anti Soviet Alliance Policy; four, avoid using their willingness to ease ease the object, in the process of easing holding his nose. The above considerations, always affects the leaders of both sides sought to improve relations between the two countries in the process of behavior, dominate interaction between the two sides, and the bottom line is the focus of negotiations compromise set, from the source to the shaping of Sino US relations "on peaceful coexistence", "the basic characteristics of common ground".
The past 10 years the United States has declassified archives related to the government as the main basis, from 1969 to 1972 the United States government in transition in the process of how to deal with these contradictions as the central issue, by focusing on the governments of the two countries in 1969, Sino Soviet border conflict, the 135136th Sino us ambassadorial talks, ping pong diplomacy, all sorts of events in Nixon in China, as well as various stakeholders to respond to this performance, for further understanding the mollification of this historical event and the nature of Sino US relations, to provide some experience.

【学位授予单位】:华东师范大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2007
【分类号】:K27;K712.54;D823.712

【引证文献】

相关期刊论文 前1条

1 张杰;宋卓如;;尼克松政府对中苏冲突的评估、分析与决策[J];国际论坛;2013年02期

相关博士学位论文 前2条

1 张润;毛泽东联美抗苏战略研究[D];华东师范大学;2011年

2 王宇;中美两国在朝鲜半岛的安全博弈[D];延边大学;2013年

相关硕士学位论文 前2条

1 马骏飞;中美关系解冻的秘密渠道研究:(1969—1972)[D];河南大学;2010年

2 胡立菲;冷战后中国公共外交与国家形象的塑造[D];复旦大学;2012年



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