二十世纪五十至六十年代初期联邦德国的核政策

发布时间：2018-06-28 09:24

本文选题：联邦德国 + 北约同盟　；参考：《华中师范大学》2011年硕士论文

【摘要】：联邦德国作为战败国,被解除了武装、丧失了主权。因此西德战后的主要目标为保障领土安全和恢复平等地位。为此,西德选择了通过参与核事务来拥有核武器的策略,这样既可以加强自身防御力量,又可把核武器作为筹码来提高自身政治地位。第一章主要叙述了战后联邦德国的重新武装之路。阿登纳担任联邦总理后奉行的是向西方靠拢的政策。他认为西德的主要威胁来自于东方,所以必须把西德的安全与北约绑定起来。而随着冷战的加剧,重新武装西德逐渐成为了盟国的现实需要。但由于欧洲国家对二战的心理阴影及法国大国政策,重新武装之路可谓一波三折。在欧洲防务体系建立失败后,由于英美向法国强力施压,《伦敦-巴黎协定》终获通过,西德正式成为北约一员。第二章着重介绍了联邦德国初期的核政策。阿登纳首次成为联邦总理后,因为其它国家对西德仍存有很大戒心,所以他没有选择把发展核武器作为首要的政治目标。而且由于盟国对西德的核排挤,客观上造成西德对核武器的政治作用认识不足。但五十年代中期以后,“全权代理”军事演习,雷福德事件,英法独立发展核武器的决心等众多事件使阿登纳转变了观念,逐渐开始重视核武器的影响。但因为盟国的顾虑,西德选择了“核分享”作为发展策略,这正好又与美国控制欧洲的想法合拍,西德开始进一步考虑参与联盟中的核决策以增强话语权。第三章论述了联邦德国对“灵活反应”战略的政策。面对来自东方的威胁,西德的战略思想是与敌人进行一场限制在常规范围内的有限战争。当常规战争爆发后,这个过程越短越好,美国的核武器能够尽快使用,以起到震慑作用,避免战争进一步扩大。这与美国主张刚开始只用常规武器反击的策略是背道而驰的。而且西德对美国要求盟国优先发展常规武器的做法十分不满。“大西洋主义者”艾哈德上台后逐渐调整了战略,美国也作出一定让步,最终二者达成了妥协。第四章讨论的内容是进入六十年代后,英法独立发展核力量的意愿更加强烈。美国担心这会刺激到联邦德国与其它西欧国家拥有核武器的欲望,因此提出了“多边核力量”计划,目的是把核武器掌控在自己手中让盟国分享,防止核扩散。在其它欧洲盟国的态度都不积极的情形下,联邦德国显得非常热心,希望能借此机会在联盟中参与控制核武器。但由于英法的坚决反对和国际形势的发展,美国对西德的态度从支持逐渐转向中立,“多边核力量”计划最终走向失败,西德分享核武器的计划也因此落空。结语部分对西德在这一时期核政策的成败得失做了总结与评价。
[Abstract]:As a defeated country, Federal Germany was disarmed and lost its sovereignty. Therefore, the main goal of West Germany was to safeguard territorial security and restore equal status. Therefore, West Germany chose the strategy of possessing nuclear weapons by participating in nuclear affairs, which could enhance both its own defense capacity and the nuclear weapons as a chip to improve its own administration. Status of treatment.
The first chapter mainly narrated the re armed route of the post-war Federal Germany. After Adenauer served as the prime minister, he pursued a policy towards the West. He believed that the main threat from West Germany came from the East, so the security of West Germany must be bound to NATO. But because of the European countries' psychological shadow of World War II and the French policy of great powers, the road to re armed is a twists and turns. After the failure of the European defense system, the West Germany officially became a member of NATO owing to the strong pressure from Britain and the United States to the London Paris agreement.
The second chapter focuses on the introduction of the early nuclear policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. After Adenauer became the Prime Minister for the first time, he had no choice to develop nuclear weapons as the primary political goal because other countries still had great vigilance on West Germany, and the political role of western Germany in the nuclear weapons was objectively recognized by the Allies' nuclear exclusion to West Germany. But after the mid 50s, the "full agency" military exercises, the ruford incident, the determination of the independent development of nuclear weapons by Britain and France and many other events made Adenauer change his ideas and gradually began to attach importance to the impact of nuclear weapons. The idea of making Europe is in step, and West Germany began to consider further the nuclear decision-making in the alliance to enhance its voice.
The third chapter discusses the policy of the Federal Germany on the "flexible response" strategy. Facing the threat from the East, the strategic thought of West Germany is a limited war restricted to the enemy in the conventional scope. When the conventional war breaks out, the shorter the better the better, the nuclear weapons in the United States can be used as soon as possible to avoid the war. The struggle was further expanded. This was contrary to the strategy that the United States had just begun to fight only with conventional weapons. And West Germany was dissatisfied with the way the United States asked the allies to give priority to the development of conventional weapons. "The the Atlantic doctrine" Erhard gradually adjusted its strategy and the United States made a concession, and the two finally reached a compromise.
The fourth chapter talks about the stronger willingness of Britain and France to develop nuclear power independently after 60s. The United States is worried that it will stimulate the desire of the Federal Republic of Germany and other Western European countries to have nuclear weapons. Therefore, the "multilateral nuclear power" program is proposed, with the aim of controlling nuclear weapons in their own hands to share and prevent nuclear proliferation in their own hands. When the attitudes of other European allies were not active, the Federal Germany looked very enthusiastic and hoped to take this opportunity to participate in the control of nuclear weapons in the alliance. However, owing to the strong opposition of Britain and France and the development of the international situation, the attitude of the United States to West Germany was gradually shifted from support to neutrality, and the "multilateral nuclear power" program eventually failed. Germany's plans to share nuclear weapons have also fallen out.
The conclusion sums up the success and failure of West Germany's nuclear policy in this period.
【学位授予单位】：华中师范大学
【学位级别】：硕士
【学位授予年份】：2011
【分类号】：K518

【参考文献】