大屠杀记忆和美国外交
发布时间:2019-03-19 16:06
【摘要】:基于记忆的观念和情感,影响相关群体界定自身身份和利益,塑造社会政治行为的意愿,并为社会政治运动提供意义架构和动员的工具。因此,集体记忆在政治中存在战略性价值。在全球化和民主化的时代,集体记忆以话语政治的形式广泛渗入软权力的争夺之中。政治家和活动家也经常对集体记忆加以利用甚至滥用,以推进其自身的社会政治议程。 20世纪60年代开始在美国兴起的大屠杀记忆,以一种“忆恶(纳粹主义)颂善(美国信条)”的方式,成为宣扬美国优越论的重要工具,也成为美国犹太人以及更广泛的美国社会塑造和表达美国认同的重要途径。一方面,它塑造了一种关于犹太民族遭受“史无前例的”独特劫难的霸权性话语,并赋予其历史上最大受难者的角色。此种历史受难感,使美国犹太人的犹太民族认同极大增强,并形成一种以群体生存为内核的“公民犹太教”。另一方面,它界定了美国不同群体在大屠杀中的历史责任和权利:基督教因其历史上的“轻蔑教导”以及现实中大量基督徒在大屠杀中的协从,而须部分承担大屠杀的连带罪责;美国政府在犹太人遭受劫难时冷漠旁观,因此成为道义上须受谴责的“冷漠旁观者”。 大屠杀及其留下的记忆,从根本上改变了犹太人和基督徒之间道义资本的分配,以及互动交往的方式。美国主流社会对犹太人充满愧疚和同情,决心与过去决裂而改过自新,他们对犹太人已经多少丧失了道义批判的勇气,而且在很大程度上产生了补偿意愿。而力量已经变得强大的犹太人,则因为悲情记忆而充满恐惧,愤懑不平,并要求为历史上的冤屈获得补偿,而且时刻准备对来自任何地方的危险做出非常强烈且决绝的反应。由此,大屠杀记忆在美国造就了一个强大、内聚、富有战斗精神的亲以色列政治势力,而且还获得了许多基督徒的同情和支持。另外,大屠杀记忆还为亲以势力提供了意义架构和动员的象征及工具,提供了用以压制对以批判的强大舆论武器:“反犹主义”标签。 大屠杀记忆,还因其善恶分明的特性,成为推动20世纪末期以来美国积极卷入人权外交,尤其反对“种族灭绝”的意义架构和动员工具。从90年代“人道主义干预”理念和实践的不断发展,再到21世纪初反种族灭绝倡议网络和草根运动在美国的初步形成,大屠杀记忆成为美国重新改造世界秩序和国际规范以实现“美国治下的和平”的重要动力之一。
[Abstract]:The concept and emotion based on memory influence the relevant groups to define their own identity and interests, to shape the will of social and political behavior, and to provide a meaningful framework and mobilization tools for social and political movements. Therefore, collective memory has strategic value in politics. In the era of globalization and democratization, collective memory has infiltrated into the struggle for soft power in the form of discourse politics. Politicians and activists often exploit and even abuse collective memory to advance their own socio-political agenda. Holocaust memory, which began to rise in the United States in the 1960s, became an important tool for promoting American superiority in the form of "recollection of evil (Nazism) and praise of goodness (American creed)". It has also become an important way for American Jews and the wider American society to shape and express American identity. On the one hand, it shaped a hegemonic discourse about the Jewish nation's "unprecedented" unique sufferings and gave it the role of the biggest victim in its history. This sense of historical hardship greatly strengthened the Jewish national identity of American Jews, and formed a kind of "citizen Judaism" with the core of group survival. On the other hand, it defines the historical responsibilities and rights of different groups in the United States in the Holocaust: Christianity because of its historical "scornful teachings" and the large number of Christians in reality who conspired in the Holocaust. It must partly bear the joint and several culpability of the Holocaust; The United States government has become a morally reprehensible "cold bystander" as it stood aloof in the face of the Jewish catastrophe. The Holocaust and its memories fundamentally changed the distribution of moral capital between Jews and Christians and the way in which they interacted. The mainstream American society is full of guilt and sympathy towards Jews, determined to break with the past, they have lost some courage of moral criticism against Jews, and to a large extent have produced the will to compensate. The Jews, who have become powerful, are filled with fear, resentment, and demand for compensation for historical grievances, and are prepared to respond very strongly and decisively to the dangers that come from anywhere. As a result, Holocaust memory created a powerful, cohesive, combat-minded pro-Israeli political force in the United States, as well as the sympathy and support of many Christians. In addition, Holocaust memory provides a symbol and tool of meaning structure and mobilization for pro-Israeli forces, as well as a powerful weapon of public opinion to suppress criticism: "anti-Semitism" label. Holocaust memory, because of its distinct nature of good and evil, has also become a meaningful framework and mobilization tool for the United States to actively engage in human rights diplomacy since the end of the 20th century, especially against "genocide". From the continuous development of the concept and practice of "humanitarian intervention" in the 1990s to the initial formation of the anti-genocide initiative network and grass-roots movement in the United States at the beginning of the 21st century, Holocaust memory has become one of the important driving forces for the United States to reinvent the world order and international norms to achieve "peace under American rule".
【学位授予单位】:复旦大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2011
【分类号】:K712.5
本文编号:2443675
[Abstract]:The concept and emotion based on memory influence the relevant groups to define their own identity and interests, to shape the will of social and political behavior, and to provide a meaningful framework and mobilization tools for social and political movements. Therefore, collective memory has strategic value in politics. In the era of globalization and democratization, collective memory has infiltrated into the struggle for soft power in the form of discourse politics. Politicians and activists often exploit and even abuse collective memory to advance their own socio-political agenda. Holocaust memory, which began to rise in the United States in the 1960s, became an important tool for promoting American superiority in the form of "recollection of evil (Nazism) and praise of goodness (American creed)". It has also become an important way for American Jews and the wider American society to shape and express American identity. On the one hand, it shaped a hegemonic discourse about the Jewish nation's "unprecedented" unique sufferings and gave it the role of the biggest victim in its history. This sense of historical hardship greatly strengthened the Jewish national identity of American Jews, and formed a kind of "citizen Judaism" with the core of group survival. On the other hand, it defines the historical responsibilities and rights of different groups in the United States in the Holocaust: Christianity because of its historical "scornful teachings" and the large number of Christians in reality who conspired in the Holocaust. It must partly bear the joint and several culpability of the Holocaust; The United States government has become a morally reprehensible "cold bystander" as it stood aloof in the face of the Jewish catastrophe. The Holocaust and its memories fundamentally changed the distribution of moral capital between Jews and Christians and the way in which they interacted. The mainstream American society is full of guilt and sympathy towards Jews, determined to break with the past, they have lost some courage of moral criticism against Jews, and to a large extent have produced the will to compensate. The Jews, who have become powerful, are filled with fear, resentment, and demand for compensation for historical grievances, and are prepared to respond very strongly and decisively to the dangers that come from anywhere. As a result, Holocaust memory created a powerful, cohesive, combat-minded pro-Israeli political force in the United States, as well as the sympathy and support of many Christians. In addition, Holocaust memory provides a symbol and tool of meaning structure and mobilization for pro-Israeli forces, as well as a powerful weapon of public opinion to suppress criticism: "anti-Semitism" label. Holocaust memory, because of its distinct nature of good and evil, has also become a meaningful framework and mobilization tool for the United States to actively engage in human rights diplomacy since the end of the 20th century, especially against "genocide". From the continuous development of the concept and practice of "humanitarian intervention" in the 1990s to the initial formation of the anti-genocide initiative network and grass-roots movement in the United States at the beginning of the 21st century, Holocaust memory has become one of the important driving forces for the United States to reinvent the world order and international norms to achieve "peace under American rule".
【学位授予单位】:复旦大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2011
【分类号】:K712.5
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