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美国与刚果危机(1960-1963)

发布时间:2019-06-09 23:12
【摘要】: 刚果危机(1960-1963)为冷战中多种层次的国际力量提供了一个交汇、碰撞的新场所。美国政府主要从全球冷战的角度考虑刚果问题,遏制共产主义的扩张是其一切对外政策的基点。然而,西欧盟国作为传统的殖民国家,主要从殖民利益和地区利益上看待刚果危机,反对美国过于干涉。正在崛起的亚非新兴国家则支持刚果民族主义的诉求,并努力在国际政治舞台上成为独立于两大阵营之外的第三支重要力量。刚果不断觉醒的民族主义力量所关心的并非两大阵营之间的冷战与对抗,而是本国的主权独立与领土完整。以上多种层次的力量在目标上的矛盾与冲突注定使美国政府在决策中难以调和,只能根据形势的轻重缓急摇摆于其中。 本文拟在国内外学术界相关研究的基础上,以《美国对外关系文件集》、《美国政府解密文件参考系统》、国家安全委员会文件以及国务院解密文件缩微胶片等为史料基础,运用历史唯物主义的研究方法并适当参考西方国际关系理论,通过刚果危机案例分析美国政府在决策中的多重困境,展现冷战中的各层次力量之间目标差异与交叠的复杂性。 本文主要分为三部分:序言、正文和结论。其中,序言主要回顾关于刚果危机问题的研究状况,并提出本选题的意义以及写作思路:结语则对全文进行简要概括,总结美国政府在刚果危机决策中的多重困境及其冷战意义所在。正文则分为五章论述。 第一章为背景介绍与分析,重点阐述了20世纪50年代美国对非洲、比属刚果政策的演变。随着1950年代冷战向第三世界扩展,美国对非洲政策逐渐经历了从以资源为中心到以战略、意识形态为中心的转变过程。在此过程中,美国政府逐渐制定出相对独立的非洲政策。但是,它出于冷战战略考虑,不得不考虑殖民宗主国的利益,因而它的非洲政策仍然无法摆脱以欧洲为中心的传统模式。其中,美国与比属刚果的关系就是典型一例。 第二章介绍刚果危机爆发后两个月期间,美国政府对刚果危机的反应及其对策。刚果共和国在独立后发生骚乱,比利时趁机出兵干涉,支持加丹加分裂。以卢蒙巴总理为首的刚果民族主义急于维护国家的主权与独立,向超级大国求援。艾森豪威尔政府的政策经历了最初强调比利时对刚果负有责任,到支持联合国出兵刚果,再到努力防止苏联“朝鲜式”介入的演变。美国政府一方面迫使自己的盟国做出部分让步,另一方面则操纵联合国在刚果问题上发挥主导性作用。然而,卢蒙巴试图在苏联援助的基础上以武力解决加丹加分裂,致使美国政府的努力化为泡影。 第三章考察与分析美国参与推翻卢蒙巴政府,甚至暗杀其本人的决策及行动。艾森豪威尔政府不惜践踏民主原则,支持刚果总统卡萨武布解除卢蒙巴的总理职务,随后支持蒙博托发动政变彻底剥夺其权力。由于被软禁的卢蒙巴依然影响很大,美国决策者决心“除掉”其本人,为此策划并实施了投毒、枪击等暗杀行动。同时,美国政府开始帮助卡萨武布-蒙博托建立一个合法的临时过渡政府。最终,冲伯杀害卢蒙巴在大程度上解决了艾森豪威尔的心头之患,但是刚果问题并未因此而得到根本上的解决。 第四章重点围绕肯尼迪的刚果新政策及其重建刚果合法政府展开。肯尼迪在一定程度上克服了前任政府应对刚果问题的应急性与随意性,并根据亚非国家力量增强的新形势,试图通过民主方式解决刚果危机。为此,他制定出以建立基础广泛的政府为中心的刚果新政策。阿杜拉政府建立后,加丹加分裂势力依然在西方盟国的支持下不肯妥协。肯尼迪则在打-谈之间犹豫不决,延缓了解决刚果分裂的进程。哈马舍尔德之死促使美国对加丹加的态度逐渐强硬,迫使冲伯与阿杜拉签订了形式上结束分裂的基托纳协定。 第五章主要探讨肯尼迪政府结束加丹加分裂的努力。肯尼迪首先支持阿杜拉逮捕基赞加,彻底消除了斯坦利维尔的威胁。但是,在加丹加问题上,肯尼迪依然迁就西方盟国,继续主张通过政治和谈解决。至1962年中期,美国政府提出本质上仍以和解为主,避免使用武力而采取严厉经济制裁的“吴丹计划”。冲伯并未真正接受,致使该计划无果而终。随后,肯尼迪决定支持联合国加大对加丹加军事打击的力度,但仍以促使冲伯和谈为限度。最终,联合国部队自行以武力迅速解决了加丹加分裂,也使得肯尼迪政府两年来的和谈政策彻底破产。
[Abstract]:The Congolese crisis (1960-1963) provides a new place of intersection and collision for the various levels of international power in the cold war. The Government of the United States, taking into account the Congolese question, mainly from the global cold-war perspective, is the basis for all its foreign policies to curb the expansion of communism. However, the Western European allies, as a traditional colonial country, viewed the Congolese crisis mainly from the colonial interests and the regional interests and opposed the excessive interference of the United States. The emerging Asian-African emerging world supports the claim of the Congolese nationalism and has made its efforts to become the third important force independent of the two camps on the international political stage. The unawakened nationalist forces of the Congo are concerned by the cold war and confrontation between the two camps, but the independence and territorial integrity of the country. The contradiction and conflict of the above-mentioned levels of power on the target is bound to make the United States government difficult to reconcile in decision-making, and can only swing it according to the priorities of the situation. This paper, based on the relevant research of the academic circles at home and abroad, is in the history of , the United States Government Decryption Document Reference System>, the National Security Council's Documents and the State Council's Decryption Documents. Based on the material basis, using the research method of historical materialism and taking due reference to the western international relations theory, the paper analyses the multiple plight of the American government in decision-making through the case of the Congo crisis, and shows the difference and overlap of the target between the forces in the cold war. Complexity. This paper is divided into three parts: order The preface mainly reviews the research status of the problem of the Congo crisis, and puts forward the meaning of the topic and the thinking of writing: the conclusion is a brief summary of the whole text, and summarizes the multiple dilemma of the American government in the decision-making of the Congo crisis. The meaning of the cold war. It is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces and analyzes the background, and focuses on the United States in the 1950s. As the cold war extended to the third world in the 1950s, the United States has gradually gone through the resources-based approach to its strategy, meaning, In this process, the government of the United States is gradually making The establishment of a relatively independent African policy, which, in the light of the cold-war strategy, had to take into account the interests of the colonial master, and that its African policy was still not able to escape. The European-based traditional model. Among them, the United States and the United States of America The relationship between the Congo is a typical example. In chapter II, the two-month period following the outbreak of the Congolese crisis, the United States The response of the Government of the Republic of the Congo to the crisis in the Congo and its response. The Congolese nationalism, led by the Prime Minister of Lubumba, is in a hurry to maintain the country. The sovereignty and independence of the family and the support of the super-Power. The Eisenhower Administration's policy has experienced the initial emphasis on Belgium's responsibility for the Congo, to support the United Nations in the Congo and to try to prevent the Soviet Union from "unk>" Korea st. Lyle " The evolution of the intervention. The U.S. government forces its allies to make some concessions on the one hand and the other on the other. The co-operation has played a leading role in the Congo, however, Mr. Lumumba is trying to solve the Katanga problem by force on the basis of Soviet assistance The third chapter examines and analyzes the U.S. involvement in the overthrow of the United States. The Government of the Lubumba, and even his own decision and action, said that the Eisenhower Administration, at the expense of the principles of democracy, supported the release of the Prime Minister of the Congolese President, Kassamoub, from the post of Prime Minister Lumonba. The subsequent support of the Mobutu's coup was a complete denial of his power, and the decision of the United States policy-maker to "get rid of" himself as a result of the fact that the house under house arrest continued to be of great impact. In the meantime, the U. S. government has started to help Casa. Wucb-Mobutu set up a legitimate interim transitional government, and, in the end, the extent to which the Burber killed Mr. Lumumba in the heart of Eisenhower's heart, But the problem of the Congo has not been resolved at all. Chapter IV focuses on The new policy of the Congo around Kennedy and its reconstruction of the legitimate Government of the Congo, which, to a certain extent, overcome the acute and arbitrary nature of the former Government's response to the Congo, and on the basis of the Asian-African countries The new situation in which the strength has been enhanced is an attempt to resolve the Congolese crisis in a democratic way. To that end, He developed a new, broad-based, government-focused Congolese policy. After the establishment of the Adua government, Katanga's separatist forces still won't compromise with the support of the Western allies. The decision to delay the process of the settlement of the Congo's split, which has prompted the United States to have a strong, hard-to-do attitude towards Katanga, has been indecisive in the fight-to-talk. A base-to-base agreement in the form of an end to the division in the form of Burber and Adua. Chapter V focuses on the efforts of the Kennedy administration to put an end to Katanga's division. Dadi first supported Ardua's arrest and the total elimination of the threat from Stanley ville. But, in Katanga, In that middle of 1962, the U. S. government put forward its essence on reconciliation, to avoid the use of force and to adopt a severe economy. Sanctions[unk> "Wu Dan's pla N ". The Burger is not really accepted, making the plan fruitless. Then, Kennedy decided to support the joint venture. The state has stepped up its military strike against Katanga, but it is still trying to limit the peace talks. Eventually, the United Nations forces will resolve it quickly by force
【学位授予单位】:华东师范大学
【学位级别】:博士
【学位授予年份】:2009
【分类号】:K712;K464

【引证文献】

相关期刊论文 前1条

1 龙向阳;郑建成;;亨廷顿的政治发展研究与美国对非洲政策[J];国际论坛;2011年06期



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