仁祖时代朝鲜对后金（清）交涉史研究（1623-1649）

发布时间：2018-06-01 17:11

本文选题：名分论 + 原则主义　；参考：《山东大学》2008年博士论文

【摘要】： 明清鼎革一直是我国历史研究中的重要课题,在中韩关系史研究中亦占据着特殊地位。本文以朝鲜仁祖时代(1623-1649)为中心,按照朝鲜对后金交涉史发展的脉络,以丁卯之役、丙子之役作为朝鲜与后金关系发展不同阶段的分割点,具体考察仁祖时代朝鲜王朝对后金外交的阶段性特点。在考察之余,我们还将探讨下列问题:(1)通过对仁祖时代与光海君时代朝鲜对后金交涉的路线、策略进行历史性的对比分析,探讨两者对后金交涉中的相似点和不同点,进而理清仁祖在位二十六年间朝鲜对后金态度的变化和对后金政策的走向;(2)就朝鲜内部党争对于仁祖政权对后金交涉决策中的影响和作用进行初步探讨,揭示隐藏在其决策过程背后的朝鲜内政结构,并结合影响朝鲜对外决策的主观性因素,对朝鲜在丁卯之役和丙子之役中屡屡失利、双方之间谈判进程缓慢且曲折的原因,提供新的解释:(3)对仁祖本人在与后金交涉中体现出的政治性格进行具体分析,从而对朝鲜的外交理念、外交特征、乃至朝鲜的民族性问题,进行初步的分析和探讨。本文共分为六个部分。第一章导论阐述了选题的缘由及其学术价值,然后通过对相关领域学术史的回顾和对相关史料较全面的整理与综述,确定了本文的框架结构、研究思路和研究方法。中国的相关史料研究主要体现了从民族史及宏观角度研究历史的长处,而缺少了历史角色的换位思考和互动研究。韩国学者则由于受史料观点的影响,在研究中高扬了朝鲜时代外交的道德理想型特点,缺乏客观性分析。此外,以往研究侧重将朝鲜作为华夷秩序中的一个被动角色来看待,突显了外部因素对朝鲜的影响,从而使得朝鲜作为外交政策实施者的个性特点不够鲜明。因此,本文结合朝鲜王朝的政治、文化背景,对仁祖统治集团对后金交涉的特点、影响因素及外交理念进行分析和总结。第二章是仁祖时代朝鲜与后金交涉史的背景。光海君在助明伐金的过程中骑墙两端,与朝鲜“尊周”、“事大”的主流意识背道而驰。仁祖李P'的上台则恰恰受益于传统势力对光海君猛烈批判的政治氛围。仁祖打出亲明旗号,以颠覆式的姿态,欲全面否定光海君,重新回到以名分为本的“原则主义”外交路线上来。仁祖时代对光海君外交政策的批判,事实上是为了服从于其反正斗争的政治需要及舆论需要。因此,他们带着个人情绪和政治偏见来评价光海君外交,就很难做到公允。为了借明朝之力解决北疆危机,仁祖积极倡导“协力讨虏”。但是,统治集团利益的调整、客观国情的衰颓,使得国家状况没有重大起色。仁祖在高举“原则主义”的同时、最终落入光海君“现实主义”的窠臼。只不过,这要比光海君时代更隐蔽。名分与利益之间的利弊权衡,使得仁祖集团在对外决策中往往优柔寡断。对于名分的顾虑,是仁祖时代朝廷各派对外决策争执的焦点和出发点。第三章探讨丁卯之役的发生及朝鲜对后金的交涉。从丁卯之役的爆发到平壤盟誓的订立,朝鲜对后金的交涉经历了从顽强拒斥到妥协让步的过程,从而在根本上证明了朝鲜对光海君时代“现实主义”路线的回归。在强敌面前,意志薄弱的仁祖集团避战自保,抛弃了对国家的责任,仓皇避入江都。这与其标榜的“义理”截然相悖。名分论给朝鲜对后金决策带来了困惑,并且成为朝鲜迅速溃败的思想根源。有关“缓祸”与“斥和”的争辩,即朝鲜对后金交涉路线的论争,亦由丁卯之役而起。江都盟誓虽然有对朝鲜利益侵蚀的一面,但更主要体现了朝鲜与后金之间互相制约、互相防范的对等意识,这对战后的朝鲜是相对有利的。由于朝鲜拒绝承认平壤盟誓的真实性,江都盟誓从而成为朝鲜在丁卯之役后赖以维权的依据。围绕着国家安全、国家利益、国家尊严及荣誉等根本问题,朝鲜在催促后金撤兵、索要本国人口、抵制边境开市等问题上,进行了顽强抗争,展示了其外交性格刚烈而柔韧、灵活又不失原则的特点。在此过程中,朝鲜对待明朝与后金态度之悬殊,给后金造成心理上的巨大落差,这反而加深了后金对明朝和朝鲜的仇恨,并将朝鲜与后金的关系引向新的对抗和冲突。第四章以丙子之役作为分水岭,具体论述了朝鲜对后金交涉地位的变化。丁卯讲和之后,朝鲜的国情每况愈下,“缓祸论”不能拯救国家,“斥绝之声”呼之欲出。虽然斥绝振奋民心,但使两国关系破裂。虽然朝鲜要主动来“破冰”,但皇太极东征决心已定,丙子之役不久爆发。在各道援军皆被阻截的情况下,朝鲜君臣为重新和谈而做了一些试探性努力,但却避重就轻,导致谈判一再拖延。最终,朝鲜君臣不得不以投降来结束南汉山城危机。与丁卯之役相比,朝鲜的交涉地位更加被动。这表明了清朝的壮大,也预示了对传统明鲜之间宗藩关系的颠覆之势——虽然朝鲜人在思想上始终都不承认。由于失去了外交的主动权,斥和论只能流于空洞的呐喊,甚至被扣以“斥和误国”的罪名,这不能不说是朝鲜人的无奈和悲哀。“名分论”在国难之时考验了朝鲜人的民族意志,但也带来了愈演愈烈的虚浮之风,加剧了政见分化,掣肘了朝鲜人对战争的决策和判断。第五章分析三田渡盟约后朝鲜对清朝的交涉情况。三田渡盟约沿袭了中国古代传统宗藩关系的模式,从形式上规定了清朝与朝鲜之间的关系。但是,盟约订立的特殊环境也使得清朝与朝鲜宗藩关系的发展显示出许多非理性因素。尤其是以朝鲜世子等人被挟质沈阳,成为清朝控制朝鲜的根本手段。这也是丙子之役后十几年中影响仁祖对清决策的最重要因素。虽然朝鲜暗中发展了军事力量、横议呼声亦不曾停息,但朝廷从丙子之役中汲取了教训,对清交涉的锐气大有收敛,态度变得更为现实。清朝对朝鲜的利益侵夺和安全威胁是朝鲜难以容忍的,而且清朝的做法亵渎了朝鲜社会的礼法道德。朝鲜因此变得无比愤慨和绝望。这正是仁祖时代及以后朝鲜社会抗金、厌金情绪极度高涨的原因。从另一角度看,清朝屡屡向朝鲜示强,也反映出其胜利背后的自卑意识。他们希望用胜利和实力去赢得国际新秩序下的统治权威,但这种努力却始终不被朝鲜认同。朝鲜王朝更加基于现实主义的外交,但是他们尊周、朝宗的信条却始终没有被抛开。因此,朝鲜的复仇情绪迟早要爆发出来。第六章是全文的结论,通过史实的分析来提升对朝鲜王朝外交理念的认识。首先,“原则主义”与“现实主义”在仁祖时代并存且始终处于矛盾状态之中,一直是困扰朝鲜君臣的问题。尊周事大、名分至上,是朝鲜人对外交涉的“原则”。对明态度正是朝鲜与清人争执的焦点。朝鲜君臣在理念上“争强、争大”、不服于“蛮夷”的态度亦显而易见。名分论暴露出朝鲜人外强中干的现状。他们缺乏从敌我实力消长中认清形势的平和心态。当现实与原则想象不符时,他们往往措手不及。其次,朝鲜人的决策往往源自他们理念中的主观臆断,他们的外交策略受感情因素影响较大,如在仁祖的外交策略中其本人的宗社情结、个人情感都表现得淋漓尽致。仁祖及其拥护者的国家观是狭隘而自私的,所以他们才会抛开对国家的责任,避战自保。归结而论,仁祖及其拥护者们既追求名分与义理,又必须解惑于现实、保全自身安全。尤其在国难面前,他们更强调自己在对金(清)交涉中的主体意识、唯我的利益“本位主义”。虽然朝鲜君臣为名分论而困惑,但是他们对国家、宗社利益为本位的外交追求并不曾改变。一个已经把国家利益微缩为宗社利益、把“大国家”缩小到“小宗社”的朝廷,很难用心挽救衰退中的国家。仁祖时代朝鲜国家尊严的陨落、社会统治秩序的塌陷,加深了朝鲜社会的不满情绪。因此,孝宗时代,宋时烈等人才积极倡导对“王道论”、“名分论”再修补、再诠释,以期重朔社会对国家和王权的信任感。
[Abstract]:The reform of the Ming and Qing Dynasties has been an important subject in the study of the history of China, and occupies a special position in the study of the history of relations between China and Korea. This article takes the Korean charity age (1623-1649) as the center, according to the development of the development of the history of the Korea gold negotiation, and the service of Ding Mao as the division point of the development of the relationship between the north and the south. During the inspection, we will also discuss the following issues: (1) through a historical comparison and analysis of the route and strategy of the North Korea's negotiation on the back gold in the era of Ren Zu and the emperor of Konghai, the similarities and differences between the two countries are discussed, and then the reign of Ren Zu is clarified. In the past twenty-six years, the Korean attitude towards the back gold and the trend towards the policy of post gold; (2) a preliminary discussion on the influence and role of the internal party dispute on the policy of negotiation on the negotiation of the post gold in the DPRK's internal party dispute, revealing the internal structure of the Korean internal affairs hidden behind its decision-making process, and combining the subjective factors affecting the policy of the DPRK to the DPRK. The cause of the slow and tortuous cause of the negotiation process between the two sides of Ding Mao's service and the service of the China has provided a new explanation: (3) a concrete analysis of the political character embodied in the negotiation of his ancestors with the emperor, so as to make a preliminary analysis and Discussion on the diplomatic concept, diplomatic characteristics and even the nationality of the DPRK.
This article is divided into six parts. The first chapter introduces the reason and the academic value of the topic. Then through the review of the academic history of the related fields and the comprehensive review of the relevant historical materials, the frame structure, research ideas and research methods of this article are determined. The point of view is to study the strengths of history, but lack of transposition thinking and interactive research of historical roles. The Korean scholars, influenced by historical materials, raised the moral ideal characteristics of Korean diplomacy in the study and lack of objectivity analysis in the study. In addition, the previous research focused on a passive role in the Chinese Yi order. It highlights the influence of external factors on the DPRK, thus making the personality characteristics of the DPRK as a foreign policy implementer are not distinct. Therefore, this paper, combining the political and cultural background of the Korean Dynasty, analyzes and summarizes the characteristics, influencing factors and diplomatic thoughts of the reign of the ruling group.
The second chapter is the background of the history of the negotiation between the Korean and the gold in the time of the benevolence. The attitude is to fully negate Kwan Hai Jun and return to the "principle" diplomatic route, which is based on the name. The criticism of the foreign policy of the king of the emperor in the time of the charity is in fact to obey the political and public opinion of his struggle. Therefore, it is difficult for them to evaluate the diplomacy of the monarch with personal feelings and political prejudices. In order to solve the northern Xinjiang crisis by the force of the Ming Dynasty, Ren Zu actively advocated "concerted efforts". However, the adjustment of the interests of the ruling group and the decline of the objective national conditions made the state of the country not significant. The age of the monarch is more concealed. The trade-off between the advantages and disadvantages between the name and the interests makes the group of Ren Zu often indecisive in foreign decision-making. The concern of the name is the focus and starting point of the decision of various schools in the imperial court of the time of the charity.
The third chapter discusses the occurrence of Ding Mao's service and the negotiation of Korean gold. From the outbreak of Ding Mao to the conclusion of Pyongyang's oath, North Korea has experienced a process from stubbornly rejecting to compromise and concession in the negotiation of the post gold, thus fundamentally proving the return of North Korea to the "realistic" route of the king of Konghai. The Ren Zu group avoided the war, abandoned the responsibility of the country and avoided the Jiangdu in a hurry. From the service of Ding Mao, the Jiangdu oath, although it has a side of erosion of the Korean interests, mainly embodies the reciprocal consciousness of mutual restraint and guard against each other, which is relatively favorable to the postwar Korea. Since the DPRK refused to recognize the authenticity of the oath of Pyongyang, the Jiangdu vows became the post DPRK after Ding Mao's service. On the basis of safeguarding rights, the DPRK, in the process of pressing for the fundamental issues of national security, national interests, national dignity and honor, carried out tenacious resistance in urging the withdrawal of the troops, asking for their own population and resisting the opening of the border, and showed the characteristics of its strong and flexible diplomatic character, flexibility and principle. In this process, DPRK treated the Ming Dynasty with the Ming Dynasty. The great disparity in the attitude of the later gold caused a great psychological gap in the post gold. Instead, it deepened the hatred of the Ming Dynasty and the DPRK, and led the relationship between the DPRK and the back gold to the new confrontation and conflict.
The fourth chapter, taking the service of the prop as a watershed, concretely discussed the change of North Korea's negotiating position on the back gold. After Ding Mao said that the situation of North Korea was worse and worse, the "slow disaster" could not save the country, and "the sound of rejection" was exhilarating. Although it reclaimed the hearts of the people, it made the two countries break down. Although the DPRK should take the initiative to "break the ice", but the Emperor With the determination of the Taiji eastern expedition, the service of the prop broke out soon. In the case of the interception of the various reinforcements, the Korean monarch and his ministers made some tentative efforts to re discuss the peace talks. However, it was a little light, causing the negotiation to delay. Finally, the Korean monarch and the minister had to surrender to the Southern Han mountain city crisis. It is a more passive position, which indicates the growth of the Qing Dynasty and the subversion of the traditional vassal vassal relationship between the Ming and the fresh - although the Koreans never admit it in thought. Because of the loss of the diplomatic initiative, the repulsion and argument can only be an empty cry, and even the charges of "repulsion and misunderstanding", which can not be said to be the Koreans. The theory of fame tested the national will of the Koreans at the time of the national dilemma, but it also brought more and more vain winds, aggravated the political disintegration and hindrance the decision and judgment of the Korean people on the war.
The fifth chapter analyzes the negotiations between the North Korea and the Qing Dynasty after the three Tian Du covenant. Three the covenant of Tian Du has followed the pattern of the ancient Chinese traditional suzerain vassal relationship, which stipulates the relationship between the Qing Dynasty and the DPRK in form. However, the special environment made by the covenant also shows the development of the relations between the Qing Dynasty and the Korean vassal vassal. This is the most important factor affecting the decision of the Qing Dynasty in the Qing Dynasty, which has been the most important factor affecting the decision of the Qing Dynasty in the Qing Dynasty. Although the North Korea has developed military forces in the dark, the voice of the party has not ceased to cease, but the court learned the lessons from the service of the Shenyang. The attitude became more realistic. The Korean invasion and security threat to the DPRK was intolerable to the DPRK, and the Qing Dynasty practices desecrated the ethics of the Korean society. The DPRK became incomparable indignant and desperate. This is the reason for the anti gold and the extreme high sentiment of the Korean society in the time of the charity and the future of the Korean society. The Qing Dynasty was repeated to the DPRK and reflected the inferiority complex behind his victory. They hoped to win the ruling authority of the new international order with victory and strength, but this effort was never recognized by the DPRK. The vengeance of North Korea is going to break out sooner or later.
The sixth chapter is the conclusion of the full text, through the analysis of historical facts to enhance the understanding of the diplomatic concept of the Korean Dynasty. First, "principle" and "realism" coexist in the era of humanity and have always been in the state of contradiction. It has always been a problem that plagued the Korean monarchy and minister. The attitude towards the Ming Dynasty is the focus of the dispute between the DPRK and the Qing people. The Korean monarch and the ministers "contend for strength, contend for big", and the attitude of disregard for the "barbarian" is also obvious. The theory of fame reveals the present situation of the Korean people's strength and strength. They lack the peace of mind to recognize the situation from the strength and decline of the enemy and the enemy. When the reality and the principle imagination do not agree, they tend to Second, the decision of the Koreans is often derived from the subjective assumptions in their ideas. Their diplomatic strategies are greatly influenced by emotional factors. For example, in the diplomatic strategy of the Ren Zu, the personal feelings of his own and his own feelings are all incisively and vividly. In addition, in the face of the national disaster, in the face of the national disaster, they emphasize their subjective consciousness in the negotiation of gold (Qing), and the interests of my own "departmentalism". Although the Korean monarch and the minister are confused by the name theory, However, they have not changed their diplomatic pursuit of the interests of the state and the family. A court which has narrowed the national interests to the interests of the family and narrowed the "big country" to the "small society" is difficult to save the country in the recession. The decline of the national dignity of the Korean state in the time of the ancestors, the collapse of the social rule order, and the deepening of the Korean Society Therefore, in the age of hsianzong, Song Shilie and other talents actively advocated the theory of "Wang Dao", "the theory of fame", and then reinterpreted it, in order to restore the trust of the society to the state and the royal power.
【学位授予单位】：山东大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2008
【分类号】：K249;K312.34

【引证文献】