当代中国的身份认同与政治社会化：一项基于城市农民工子女的实证研究
发布时间：2018-09-11 10:39
【摘要】： 以往的政治社会化研究主要关注阶级、阶层、社会经济地位、种族等客观因素对于儿童政治社会化的影响,而本文通过对农民工子女的实证研究发现:农民工子女的身份认同对他们的政治态度与行为模式有着至关重要的影响。 本文试图回答以下问题:首先,在政治社会化的过程中,农民工子女的身份认同是通过什么方式形成的?不同的政治社会化媒介在其中发挥了什么作用?其次,农民工子女的身份认同是如何影响他们的政治态度与行为模式的?最后,如果农民工子女的身份认同会对他们政治观念与行为产生重大影响,那么,围绕身份差异而形成的政治态度与行为模式的分化究竟有多大?农民工子女是主流意识形态的接受者,抑或形成了一套相对自主的底层文化?如此一来,看似后现代的“认同政治”就与政治学的传统议题——政治文化、政治社会化、阶级再生产——紧密地勾连在一起。 研究表明:第一、家庭、学校、国家(包括基层政府和意识形态的国家)、社会干预(NGO、志愿者)是农民工子女政治社会化的主要媒介。农民工子女的政治社会化过程包含建制化的政治学习与事件化的政治学习两种机制,前者主要型塑他们的价值观,后者则更多地影响他们的知识库存。对于农民工子女而言,事件在他们的政治社会化过程中发挥了更加突出的作用。 第二、农民工子女与政治社会化媒介的互动过程,往往是围绕着身份的确认与否认、斗争与妥协而展开的,也就是说,政治社会化是以身份生产为中心的。由此形成的身份认同不是一成不变的,而是社会结构与具体情境共同作用下的权宜性结果,一旦失去外力的推动,一种特定身份就可能停止运作了。身份认同从来不是自由意志的表达,而是始终存在于特定的权力结构之中。当农民工子女试图表达自己的身份认同时,不可避免地受到外部群体和国家治理行为的制约,防御性认同和进取性认同便应运而生。本文用“运作性认同”来表述农民工子女身份生产的这一特性。 第三、通过对农民工子弟学校与公办学校的比较研究,我们发现:虽然就读于公办学校的农民工子女学习积极性高于前者,但却更为强烈地感受到城市主流社会的歧视,对个人的前景也更加悲观,其成长过程中存在显著的“天花板效应”,也就是说,由于对社会流动的预期很低而主动放弃学业上的努力。农民工子弟学校则盛行“反学校文化”,如果说公办学校的农民工子女是因为低预期而选择“自我放弃”,那么,农民工子弟学校的“反学校文化”并不是因为自暴自弃,恰恰相反,他们常常为自己离经叛道的行为感到自豪。通过否定学校的价值系统、蔑视校方和教师的权威,他们一方面获得了独立与自尊,另一方面则心甘情愿地提前进入次级劳动力市场,加速了阶级再生产的进程。 但是,反学校文化并不是一套独立的底层文化,对调查问卷的分析显示:农民工子女对基本社会规范的接受程度与城市儿童相差甚微,价值倾向基本一致,只不过城市儿童的态度更趋近于政治正确性,也就是说,对于主流价值观认可的观点,城市儿童表示更强烈的支持;对于主流价值观否定的观点,城市儿童表示更坚决的反对。简言之,与城市儿童相比,农民工子女与主流价值观表现出轻微的疏离,但他们并没有站在主流价值观的对立面。他们与城市孩子的不同更多地表现在知识库存:在遭遇群际冲突事件之后,农民工子女会对这些事件进行加工,将其整理为相应的“故事”,当日后再出现类似的事件时,这些生活记忆所构成的知识库存将成为他们判断和行动的依据。 论文的最后一部分还讨论了相关命题与概念的适用范围,在超越个案的同时避免过度夸大结论的解释力,一方面揭示了农民工子女政治社会化的深层机制,另一方面也补充和修正了政治社会化的一般理论。
[Abstract]:Previous studies on political socialization mainly focused on the influence of class, class, social and economic status, race and other objective factors on children's political socialization. This paper found that the identity of children of migrant workers has a crucial impact on their political attitude and behavior patterns.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: first, in the process of political socialization, how does the identity of migrant workers'children come into being? What role does different political and social media play in it? Second, how does the identity of migrant workers' children affect their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Finally, if farmers Migrant workers'children's identity will have a significant impact on their political concepts and behavior, then, how big is the polarization of political attitudes and behavior patterns formed around the identity differences? Migrant workers' children are the recipients of the mainstream ideology, or form a relatively independent bottom culture? So, it seems postmodern. Identity politics is closely related to the traditional issues of politics: political culture, political socialization, class reproduction.
Research shows that: first, family, school, state (including grass-roots government and ideological state), social intervention (NGO, volunteers) is the main media of political socialization of migrant workers'children. As for the children of migrant workers, events play a more prominent role in their political socialization.
Secondly, the interaction between the children of migrant workers and the media of political socialization often revolves around the recognition and denial of identity, struggle and compromise, that is to say, political socialization is based on the production of identity. As a result, a specific identity may cease to function once it loses the impetus of external forces. Identity is never the expression of free will, but always exists in a specific power structure. Royal identity and aggressive identity came into being at the historic moment. This paper uses "operational identity" to describe the identity production of migrant workers'children.
Thirdly, through the comparative study between the schools for the children of migrant workers and the public schools, we find that although the children of migrant workers who study in the public schools have higher learning enthusiasm than the former, they feel more strongly the discrimination of the urban mainstream society, and are more pessimistic about their personal prospects. There is a significant "ceiling effect" in their growth process. "That is to say, because of the low expectation of social mobility, the school for children of migrant workers voluntarily abandons its academic efforts. The"anti-school culture"prevails in schools for children of migrant workers. If the children of migrant workers in public schools choose"self-abandonment"because of low expectation, the"anti-school culture"in schools for children of migrant workers is not due to self-destructiveness. Self-abandonment, on the contrary, is often proud of their deviance. By denying the school's value system and despising the authority of the school authorities and teachers, they gain independence and self-esteem on the one hand, and willingly advance into the secondary labor market on the other, speeding up the process of class reproduction.
However, anti-school culture is not a set of independent bottom culture. The analysis of the questionnaire shows that the children of migrant workers have little difference in acceptance of basic social norms from urban children, and their value tendencies are basically the same, but their attitudes towards urban children tend to be more politically correct, that is to say, the view of acceptance of mainstream values. In short, compared with urban children, the children of migrant workers show slight alienation from the mainstream values, but they are not on the opposite side of the mainstream values. They are more different from urban children. Now knowledge inventory: after the inter-group conflict, the children of migrant workers will process these events and organize them into corresponding "stories". When similar events occur in the future, the knowledge inventory formed by these life memories will become the basis for their judgment and action.
The last part of the paper also discusses the relevant propositions and concepts of the scope of application, beyond the case while avoiding overstating the explanatory power of conclusions, on the one hand reveals the deep mechanism of political socialization of children of migrant workers, on the other hand, it also supplements and amends the general theory of political socialization.
【学位授予单位】：复旦大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2008
【分类号】：G521;D412.6
本文编号：2236456
[Abstract]:Previous studies on political socialization mainly focused on the influence of class, class, social and economic status, race and other objective factors on children's political socialization. This paper found that the identity of children of migrant workers has a crucial impact on their political attitude and behavior patterns.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: first, in the process of political socialization, how does the identity of migrant workers'children come into being? What role does different political and social media play in it? Second, how does the identity of migrant workers' children affect their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Finally, if farmers Migrant workers'children's identity will have a significant impact on their political concepts and behavior, then, how big is the polarization of political attitudes and behavior patterns formed around the identity differences? Migrant workers' children are the recipients of the mainstream ideology, or form a relatively independent bottom culture? So, it seems postmodern. Identity politics is closely related to the traditional issues of politics: political culture, political socialization, class reproduction.
Research shows that: first, family, school, state (including grass-roots government and ideological state), social intervention (NGO, volunteers) is the main media of political socialization of migrant workers'children. As for the children of migrant workers, events play a more prominent role in their political socialization.
Secondly, the interaction between the children of migrant workers and the media of political socialization often revolves around the recognition and denial of identity, struggle and compromise, that is to say, political socialization is based on the production of identity. As a result, a specific identity may cease to function once it loses the impetus of external forces. Identity is never the expression of free will, but always exists in a specific power structure. Royal identity and aggressive identity came into being at the historic moment. This paper uses "operational identity" to describe the identity production of migrant workers'children.
Thirdly, through the comparative study between the schools for the children of migrant workers and the public schools, we find that although the children of migrant workers who study in the public schools have higher learning enthusiasm than the former, they feel more strongly the discrimination of the urban mainstream society, and are more pessimistic about their personal prospects. There is a significant "ceiling effect" in their growth process. "That is to say, because of the low expectation of social mobility, the school for children of migrant workers voluntarily abandons its academic efforts. The"anti-school culture"prevails in schools for children of migrant workers. If the children of migrant workers in public schools choose"self-abandonment"because of low expectation, the"anti-school culture"in schools for children of migrant workers is not due to self-destructiveness. Self-abandonment, on the contrary, is often proud of their deviance. By denying the school's value system and despising the authority of the school authorities and teachers, they gain independence and self-esteem on the one hand, and willingly advance into the secondary labor market on the other, speeding up the process of class reproduction.
However, anti-school culture is not a set of independent bottom culture. The analysis of the questionnaire shows that the children of migrant workers have little difference in acceptance of basic social norms from urban children, and their value tendencies are basically the same, but their attitudes towards urban children tend to be more politically correct, that is to say, the view of acceptance of mainstream values. In short, compared with urban children, the children of migrant workers show slight alienation from the mainstream values, but they are not on the opposite side of the mainstream values. They are more different from urban children. Now knowledge inventory: after the inter-group conflict, the children of migrant workers will process these events and organize them into corresponding "stories". When similar events occur in the future, the knowledge inventory formed by these life memories will become the basis for their judgment and action.
The last part of the paper also discusses the relevant propositions and concepts of the scope of application, beyond the case while avoiding overstating the explanatory power of conclusions, on the one hand reveals the deep mechanism of political socialization of children of migrant workers, on the other hand, it also supplements and amends the general theory of political socialization.
【学位授予单位】：复旦大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2008
【分类号】：G521;D412.6
【引证文献】
相关博士学位论文 前1条
1 赵翠兰;精神追寻：农民工子女的语言与自我认同[D];南京师范大学;2011年
，本文编号：2236456
本文链接：https://www.wllwen.com/jiaoyulunwen/jgkg/2236456.html
