民族区域自治制度的困局与出路

发布时间：2018-05-14 08:57

本文选题：民族区域自治制度 + 天下帝国　；参考：《吉林大学》2016年博士论文

【摘要】：2008年与2009年,西藏自治区首府拉萨与新疆维吾尔自治区首府乌鲁木齐相继爆发了少数民族的大规模骚乱,即西藏“3·14”事件与新疆“7·5”事件。这两起恶性民族骚乱事件的爆发,使得改革开放30年来逐渐淡出国家核心政治话题的民族问题,再次成为了学界关注的焦点,而中国处理民族问题、协调民族关系的基本政治制度即“民族区域自治制度”,以及以此为核心的各项民族政策,也由此成为了学界反思的一大重点。20世纪80年代,在“拨乱反正”的时代背景下,民族区域自治制度正式以1982年《宪法》和1984年《民族区域自治法》的形式得到了国家的肯定。然而与此同时,西藏和新疆的民族分离主义势力却也在逐渐抬头,随之而来的是1987年和1989年西藏拉萨骚乱、1990年新疆巴仁暴乱、1997年新疆伊犁暴乱等一系列社会恶性事件。从性质上看,这些事件与2008年西藏“3·14”事件与2009年新疆“7·5”事件并无不同。可以说,长久以来,民族区域自治制度的确立并没能有效防治民族问题的一再发生。这似乎表明了,民族区域自治制度在处理民族问题上存在着一定的局限和不足。时至今日,中国的民族问题已经成为了中央政府和全体国民必须正视和关注的重大议题,这不仅关涉到中国的内部稳定与长治久安,更影响到中国的对外交往与国际形象。而要彻底铲除民族问题得以滋生的土壤,我们不能把目光焦点仅仅局限在批判“境内外分裂势力”的阴谋煽动,更要面对内部建构族群关系的制度性因素。为此,在当下,我们有必要认真反思“民族区域自治制度”,这有助于我们在当前纷繁复杂的民族问题中梳理出一个头绪,进而探寻问题的症结并找到问题的出路。本文的主体结构分为四个部分:第一部分为“民族区域自治制度的历史形成”。从历史谱系考察的角度来看,从传统到现代,中国的国家体制历经了一个从“天下帝国”到“民族国家”再到“多民族国家”的转型。以1884年清政府在新疆设立行省为标志,中国开启了由“天下帝国”到“民族国家”的转型历程,而1949年民族区域自治制度的确立,标志着“多民族国家”取代了“民族国家”成为了新中国的建国方案。而在这一转型过程中,中国的民族结构与地区制度也历经了一个由“二元”到“一体”再到“二元”的转变,从民族结构上看,是从“华-夷”到“中华民族”再到“汉族-55个少数民族”的转型,从地区制度上看,是从“行省制-传统民族自治”到一体化的“行省制”再到“行省制-民族区域自治制度”的转型。第二部分为“民族区域自治制度的历史基础”。1949年新中国成立之时,为何会放弃了中国自1884年以来追求以“中华民族”为“民族单元”的“民族国家”建国方案,而是以民族区域自治制度再次凸显了中国政治版图中的民族多元性?事实上,这一方面是由于,近代的“民族国家”建设方案在少数民族地区,特别是在蒙古、西藏、新疆遭遇了强烈的抵抗,少数民族“民族自治”(甚至是“民族自决”)思潮的普遍弥漫迫使中国共产党在建国方案上重新作出慎重考虑,而向少数民族作出一定的政治妥协。另一方面是由于,中国共产党在革命过程中,在不断成熟和进步的过程中对“苏联经验”和“苏联模式”一定程度的学习,也是对苏联“民族联邦制”的扬弃。第三部分为“民族区域自治制度的现实困局”。本文认为民族区域自治制度在当下的制度困局有二:其一,民族区域自治制度以“制度”的形式将近代中国所追求的“中华民族”的概念,分解成了“汉族-少数民族”的二元概念,亦是“56个民族”的多元概念,也将中国的政治地理分割成为了不同的“民族板块”,这种“政治化”导向的民族政策极易为“民族主义”的动员提供合法的政治空间与社会空间,不利于国家的整体建构。其二,民族区域自治制度事实上处在了“工具理性”与“价值理性”考量的两难之间。从“工具理性”的角度来说,“板块式”的民族区域自治制度不免带有一定的负面效果。但是从“价值理性”的层面考量,少数民族要求在其“世居地域”上实行“自治”,实践本民族的“社会性文化”,在现代文明的视角下应是一项可被证成的正当性诉求,“区域自治”亦应为“世居性少数民族”的一项固有政治权利。因此,对于中国而言,民族区域自治制度也是一项必要性的制度安排。在这一点上,美国针对“移民”制定的“文化化”导向的民族政策并不能为中国的民族问题提供有意义的参考。因此,对于这种犯有“工具理性”错误的民族区域自治制度,基于“价值理性”的考量,我们却必须予以坚持。因此,民族区域自治制度事实上处在了“工具理性”与“价值理性”考量的两难之间。第四部分为“民族区域自治制度的未来出路”。本文认为,正因为民族区域自治制度处在“工具理性”与“价值理性”的两难之间,由此也决定了中国民族问题的化解无法从动摇民族区域自治制度本身来入手,中国只有在继续坚持民族区域自治制度的基础上,做出政策上的完善与创新,以应对“民族主义”的挑战。首先,从国家建构的政治与法律的层面来看,中国应以“公民政治”逐步淡化“族群政治”。一方面,中国需要尽力弱化“族群政治”(即民族区域自治制度)的制度影响,例如取消居民身份证上的“民族成分”一栏。另一方面,国家需要尽可能的从“公民平等”的角度来处理民族关系,例如,将“民族性优惠政策”调整为“地区性优惠政策”,弱化少数民族成员的“民族意识”,从而强化其“国家公民意识”。其次,从国家建构的文化心理层面来看,政府应积极促进各民族之间的“交往交流交融”,通过各种政策的引导和鼓励,促进各民族成员在平等、自愿前提下的自然融合,在潜移默化之中,形成能为各民族成员所共享的“共性文化”,并形成统一的“中华民族”意识。
[Abstract]:In 2008 and 2009, the large-scale riots of ethnic minorities broke out in Lhasa, capital of Tibet autonomous region and Urumqi, capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, namely, the incident of "3. 14" in Tibet and the "7 5" incident in Xinjiang. The outbreak of the two malignant ethnic riots has made the reform and opening up for 30 years gradually fade out of the country's core political topics. The problem of ethnic groups has become the focus of the academic circles again, and the basic political system of China to deal with ethnic problems and to coordinate ethnic relations, namely, the national regional autonomy system, and the national policy on which it is the core, has become a major focus of the academic reflection in the.20 century in the 80s, in the context of the era of "turning the chaos to the right". The system of regional autonomy of ethnic groups was formally recognized by the state in the form of the constitution of 1982 and the law of national regional autonomy in 1984. However, at the same time, the ethnic separatist forces in Tibet and Xinjiang were also rising, followed by the riots of Lhasa in 1987 and 1989, the riots of Xinjiang barren in 1990 and Xinjiang Yili in 1997. In nature, these events are not different from the events of "3. 14" in Tibet in 2008 and the event of "7 5" in Xinjiang in 2009. It can be said that the establishment of the national regional autonomy system has not been able to effectively prevent and control national problems. It seems to show that the system of national regional autonomy is being dealt with. There are certain limitations and shortcomings in the national problem. Today, the national problem of China has become a major issue that the central government and all the citizens must face and pay attention to. This not only concerns the internal stability and long-term stability of China, but also affects China's diplomatic and international image. In the soil of breeding, we can not focus only on the conspiracy and incitement to criticize the "separatist forces inside and outside China", and we should also face the institutional factors of the internal construction of ethnic groups. For this reason, it is necessary for us to reflect on the "national regional autonomy system" in the present time, which will help us in the current and complex ethnic problems. The main structure of this article is divided into four parts: the first part is "the historical formation of the national regional autonomy system". From the perspective of historical genealogy, from the traditional to the modern, China's national system has gone through the "empire of the world" to "the people". The transformation of ethnic state to multi-ethnic country, marked by the establishment of the provincial government in Xinjiang in 1884 as a symbol, China opened the transition course from "the Empire of the world" to the "national state", and the establishment of the national regional autonomy system in 1949 symbolized that the "multi-ethnic state" was replaced by the "national state" as the construction of the new China. In the process of this transformation, China's national structure and regional system have also undergone a transformation from "two yuan" to "one" to "two yuan". From the national structure, it is from "Hua Yi" to "Chinese nation" to "Han -55 minority nationality". From the regional system, it is from "the province system" The second part is "the historical basis of the system of national regional autonomy" in the second part, when the founding of new China in the year of.1949, why China has given up the "ethnic group" of "the national unit" of China since 1884. In fact, this is due to the strong resistance of the modern "national state" construction program in ethnic minority areas, especially in Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang, and the ethnic minority "national autonomy" (even the national autonomy ") The prevailing trend of "national self-determination" forced the Communist Party to reconsider the plan of the founding of the nation and make certain political compromises to the minority nationalities. On the other hand, the Communist Party of China has made a certain degree of "Soviet experience" and "Soviet model" in the process of the revolution in the process of the revolution. The third part is "the realistic predicament of the national regional autonomy system". This article holds that the system of ethnic regional autonomy in the present system is two: first, the national regional autonomy system, in the form of "system", divides the concept of "Chinese nation" in modern China. The two yuan concept of "Han ethnic minority" is solved, and it is also the multi concept of "56 nationalities". It also divides China's political geography into a different "national plate". This "politicized" national policy is very easy to provide legal political space and social space for the mobilization of "Nationalism", which is not conducive to the state. Secondly, the system of national regional autonomy is in fact between the dilemma of "instrumental rationality" and "value rationality". From the perspective of "instrumental rationality", the national regional autonomy system of "plate type" is unavoidable with certain negative effects. However, from the level of "value rationality", the requirements of ethnic minorities are considered. The practice of "autonomy" in its "living region" and the practice of the "social culture" of the nation should be a justifiable appeal in the perspective of modern civilization, and "regional autonomy" should also be an inherent political right of the "living minority nationality". Therefore, for China, the system of national regional autonomy is also one. At this point, the "culturalism" oriented national policy made by the United States on "immigration" does not provide a meaningful reference for China's national problems. Therefore, based on the "value rationality" of this system of national regional autonomy for the "instrumental rationality", we must Therefore, the system of national regional autonomy is in fact between the dilemma between "instrumental rationality" and "value rationality". The fourth part is "the future way out of the system of national regional autonomy". This article holds that it is because the national regional autonomy system is between the dilemma of "instrumental rationality" and "value rationality". It is also determined that the solution of the problem of ethnic minorities in China can not start with the system itself. On the basis of continuing to adhere to the system of national regional autonomy, China should make policy improvement and innovation in order to meet the challenge of "nationalism". "Citizen politics" gradually desalination of "ethnic politics". On the one hand, China needs to try to weaken the institutional influence of "ethnic group politics" (i.e., national regional autonomy system), such as the abolition of the "ethnic composition" column on resident identity cards. On the other hand, the state needs to deal with ethnic relations from the perspective of "equality of citizens" as far as possible, for example, for example. The "national preferential policy" is adjusted to "regional preferential policy" to weaken the national consciousness of ethnic minority members and strengthen its "national awareness". Secondly, from the cultural psychological level of the national construction, the government should actively promote the "communication and exchange" among all ethnic groups, through the guidance of various policies and the guidance of various policies. Encourage, promote the natural integration of all ethnic members on the premise of equality and voluntariness, in a subtle way, to form a "common culture" shared by all ethnic groups and form a unified consciousness of the "Chinese nation".

【学位授予单位】：吉林大学
【学位级别】：博士
【学位授予年份】：2016
【分类号】：D633.2

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